Daily Archives: April 6, 2012

“The Indonesian Government Occupies, Colonises and Marginalises Indigenous Papuans”

by Socratez Sofyan Yoman

translation by WestPapuaMedia from SuaraPapua.com

April 3, 2012


(“…thousands of young Papuans that scream against the impartiality, hope the regional government must be aware that the Special Autonomy Law is present for whom? That the Law was created for what? Because of the demands for Independence “to free themselves from The Republic of Indonesia” for the people of Papua.” (Dr. “HC” Herman A. T. Yoku, SIP, Cenderwasih Post and Papua Star, Friday 30/3/2012).

Noble and respected Opinion readers, in my Opinion piece on the topic ‘The Indonesian Government fails to Develop and Protect Indigenous Papuans’, that was published in the Pacific Post, Tuesday 20th March 2012, and in the Papua Star, Thursday 22nd March, 2012, I quoted the promise and commitment by the Government of Indonesia for indigenous Papuans when Papua was forcibly integrated into Indonesia in 1969 with the engineering of the 1969 Referendum.

The quote is as follows: “Interior Minister stated …. the government of Indonesia, is willing and able to protect the welfare of the people of West Irian, therefore, there is no other choice but to live with the Republic of Indonesia” (Source: United Nations Official Records: 1812th Plenary Meeting of the UN Assembly, agenda item 98.19 November 1969, paragraph 18, P.2). After 31 years from 1969 to 2000, the Government of Indonesia made a promise and commitment that is almost the same, in Act No. 21, Year 2001 on Special Autonomy, for: pemberdayaan (empowerment), perlindungan (protection) and keberpihakan (affirmative action) for the original inhabitants of Papua and the Papuan People that have been forced to live within the Republic of Indonesia.

But the reality is that the people of Papua, Indigenous Papuans and the owners of this land and country, are treated inhumanely and are slaughtered like animals in the name of Indonesia. A concrete example: Three Indigenous Papuans were shot dead by security forces on 19th October 2011 at Zakheus field, the shooters were only given disciplinary punishment. This betrayal of human dignity cannot be tolerated in a context of humanity. There is no reason to kill people. It is the toughest crime committed by the state.

Examples of other facts such as the Cenderwasih Post reported: at the Offical Echelon Inauguration at Keerom District, Community Leader from the Indonesia-PNG border, Keerom, Dr. (HC), Herman A.T.Yoku, S.IP, said: “Many young Indigenous Papuans are treated like step-children in the appointment into the echelons. From 117 new Echelon II, III and IV officials inaugurated a few days ago, if carefully calculated, the number of local young people inaugurated is less than 10, from all of those sworn in. I had hoped that affirmative policy that was mandated in Act No. 21, Year 2001 would necessarily be considered by the local government…’ (Cenderawasih Post, Friday, March 30, 2012, p. 14). “As young Papuans the Governor should be aware that the Special Autonomy Act is for who? At the Echelon Inauguration yesterday (Thursday, 29/3/2012) I have not seen one Papuan child sworn in, let alone one Indigenous Keerom child from this country. I am very sorry as a community leader who fights to expand this area – why is it that the governor can’t pay attention to this area? If for only one interest I requested this position, it is that this region can be considered safe because young indigenous Papuans say themselves it is safe.” (Papua Star, on Friday, March 30 2012, p 5).

In my opinion columns about The Special Autonomy Act No. 21, Year 2001, I continually, frankly and openly present the topic (1) “Special Autonomy has failed in Papua”: Papua Star, Thursday, 09/02/2012, p.5; (2) “It’s Time: Papua People Stand Alone”: in The Pacific Post, March 13, 2012 and Papua star, March 16, 2012; (3) “The Indonesian Government fails to Develop and Protect Indigenous Papuans” in the Pacific Post, Tuesday, March 20, 2012 and Papua Star, Thursday , March 22, 2012.
“Special Autonomy is a political solution or a political bargaining between the peoples of Papua and Indonesia, in order that Papuans remain in Indonesia with a guarantee to protect the people of Papua, the empowerment of indigenous Papuans, and affirmative action for indigenous Papuans. However, “in reality, the Special Autonomy has truly failed. Special Autonomy has truly become a killing machine of God’s people in Papua and a destroyer of a future Papuan society and nation.”

Special Autonomy has really become a potent tool for the process of ethnic cleansing in Papua that is safer, quicker, more systematic and does not raise the suspicions of the international community that cares about humanity. Special Autonomy is an institution that prolongs the agony, drops and flow of tears of Indigenous Papuans. Special Autonomy is a solution and political decision about Papua’s political status within Indonesia that has already failed. Special Autonomy is a destroying machine that really marginalises Indigenous Papuans from every aspect. Special Autonomy is second volume of the 1969 Referendum that has already failed and become a new problem.”

Herman Yoku says: “… i am very sorry as a public figure who fights to expand this area – why is it that the governor can’t pay attention to this area?” From this statement it seems evident that many Indigenous Papuan Officials do not have the critical ability in relation to the strategies and traps set by the Indonesian Government around the expansion of districts and provinces over the land of Papua. I regret very much, the way of looking and thinking of young Indigenous Papuan officials that the expansion of districts, cities and provinces are the result of hard work and struggle. It really is not like that.

The real background of the hectic expansion of districts, cities and provinces over the land of West Papua that is wild and uncontrollable, is purely political, economic, security, and a structural and systematic process of ethnic cleansing of Melanesians. And all the political policies of the Indonesian Government are not interested in progressing, advancing and increasing the welfare of Indigenous Papuans. In my opinion, the key clause in the expansion of districts and provinces is the military operation and new style Transmigration operation for the hastening of the ethic cleansing of Melanesians. I have written in an Opinion Column in the Pacific Post, 25th September 2009, with the topic: ‘district/City and Province Expansion in West Papua is a Military and New-style Transmigration Operation’. Special Autonomy Act No.21, Year 2001, has FAILED.

Expansion of Districts, Cities and Provinces that is not balanced with Indigenous Papuans forms chains of occupation, colonisation, and marginalisation. Indigenous Papuans are now being encouraged to take shelter behind the slogan of national development. “Political pitting (the politics of divide and conquer) such as applied by colonizers in Apartheid South Africa in 1978. Pieter W. Bother became Prime Minister and splintered the unity of South African society by setting up puppet states: The Puppet State of Transkei, Puppet State of Tswana, Puppet State of Venda, Puppet State of Ciskei. In the Papuan context, the Colonial Government of Indonesia has formed many puppet districts and also puppet provinces in order to break up the wholeness and unity of Indigenous Papuans.” (Yoman: p. Destruction of Ethnic Melanesia, Breaking the Silence of the History of Violence in West Papua, 2007: p. 224).

The Author himself has documentary evidence writing about military operations. If readers read my book entitled: ‘The Gate to Free Papua’ (Socratez Sofyan Yoman; 2000. Page. 78-86), it is very clearly found in this book, highly confidential documents released by the interior department Director General of the Office of National Unity and Community Protection (DITJEN KESBANG dan LINMAS) in official notes number: 578/ND/KESBANG/DIV/VI/2000, 9th June 2000 by radiogram Governor (Caretaker) head level 1 Irian Jaya, No. BB.091/POM/060200, dated june 2000, and No: 190/1671/SET/ dated 3rd June 2000. The primary goal is a plan and operation of regional conditioning, development of communication networks and the establishment of provinces and districts in Iran Jaya (Papua).

Implementing this operation of conditioning and expansion is the Interior Department, Department of Defence and Security, Department of Foreign Affairs, especially for diplomatic operations, Indonesian Police, Indonesian Military (TNI), the State Intelligence Coordinating Agency (Bakin), Strategic National Intelligence Agency (BAIS ), SPAM, AD Hearquarters, ASTER, KASTER TNI, SINTEL Headquarters, National Police (POLRI), Army Strategic Reserve Command (KOSTRAD), and Special Forces Command (KOPASSUS), Regional Leaders Forum Iran Jaya (Paupa) Province and other provinces.

Another document is a document from the National Security Council Secretary General, Jakarta, May 27 and May 28, 2003 on ‘Strategy for Conflict Resolution with separatist contexts in Papua Province through a political approach to security’ (this document can be seen in my book: “Voice for the Voiceless” Dumma Socratez Sofyan Yoman: 2009; pg. 117-118).

These two documents show the face and militaristic character of the Indonesian Government that annexed and occupies West Papua, and colonises Indigenous occupants, Melanesian people through political engineering since May 1st, 1963, the 1969 Referendum, and legislation Act 21, Year 2001 on Special Autonomy to this day. After annexation, to this date West Papua is seen by the Indonesian Government without an interest in the principles of justice and humanity along with the future survival of the people – the owners, heirs to the country and land of West Papua. The Indonesian Government administers West Papua as a problematic region and conflict area that needs to be resolved by a security approach. Although a security approach is evidently a total failure and the cause of human rights violations that are ruthless and grieve the heart of God’s people.

The expansion of districts / cities and provinces on a large scale if viewed from requirements such as: population, territory, natural resources and human resources; from all of these requirements in relation to total population and the readiness of human resources it is very ironic. Because the total population of Indigenous Papuans is only 1.5 million that does not need many districts/cities and provinces throughout Papua. Many districts/cities and provinces also need human resources that can fulfil the rank and stratification to occupy positions – both structural and functional positions.

Consequences of the large-scale expansion of districts/cities and provinces in West Papua are:

  1. The sending of officials from outside Papua to occupy important and strategic positions when Indigenous people cannot yet fulfil the criteria of rank, skill, experience, level of education.
  2. The sending and coming of people from outside to take economic opportunities in the regional expansion and the marginalisation and destruction of Indigenous people. Mr Juan Mendez, UN Secretary General Special Adviser in the field of Prevention of Genocide, stated: “West Papua is one area that is very alarming because the indigenous population is in danger of annihilation”. Yale University, USA, and the University of Sydney released a report that in Papua there is ethnic cleansing of Indigenous Papuans occurring.
  3. Construction of military and police bases for reasons of national security along with security and safety of settlers.
  4. Dispossession of the people for reasons of building government offices.
  5. Appropriation of community land for the purpose of building large shops, malls, supermarkets, mega-hotels and restaurants.
  6. The destruction of mountains and hills of the people.
  7. Destruction of sago and palm trees as a resource for income and peoples’ lives.
  8. Destruction and pollution of water owned by original inhabitants.

The Indonesian government and security forces have failed to build and instil the ideologies of Pancasila, the 1945 Constitution, The Unitary Republic of Indonesia, Unity in Diversity into Papua’s original inhabitants. On the contrary, the Government and the Indonesian security forces have been successfully built and strengthened ideology of West Papuan Independence by nurturing separatist stigma, rebellion and OPM. This is a fatal mistake made by the Government and security forces over the years. The approach of the Government and Security forces which does not respect human dignity, to this day has alienated the people’s hearts from Indonesia. The Indonesian government and security forces with violence have only managed to integrate (Papua) economically and politically into Indonesia. The Indonesian government really occupies, colonises and marginalises Papua’s original inhabitants.

Due to the failure of the Indonesian Government in Papua, Dr George Junus Aditjondro said: “The problems in Papua have been very difficult to resolve. Therefore, there is no other option but to follow the passionate demands of the people of Papua who want a referendum. And the Indonesian Government must immediately withdraw from Papua. Only a referendum can determine whether the Papuans still want to be part of Indonesia or not “(George’s Commentary at the launch of a book entitled:” West Papua: International Issues “, in the Kontras Office, Jakarta, Thursday, 11/3/2011).

“It’s only a matter if time, if we like it or not, want it or not, we will lose Papua because we have failed to capture the hearts of Papuans and this has been the problem from the beginning.” (Dr.Adnan Buyung Nasution, S.H. : source: Detiknews, Thursday, 16 December 2011).

“I know, I understand and also I’m aware that which I devote here. Therefore, if you are certain or not, believe or not, like or not, are happy or not, sooner or later West Papuans will gain independence and stand alone as one people and nation sovereign over their ancestor’s land. In this confidence and spirit, whatever the risk of people’s opinions and commentary, with firm believe and determination of conscience, I dedicate my knowledge to writing books of cultural history and every occurrence upon this land. So that the children and grandchildren of this nation, into the future, will learn that this nation has experienced a long history and long, bitter and unspeakable suffering perpetrated by the Indonesian Government.” (Ita Wakhu Purom, Numbay (Jayapura), West Papua, Thursday, June 9, 2011, 21:17 WP). This statement of faith has been immortalized in my 13th book entitled: “West Papua: An International Problem” (Yoman: 2011, p.4).

“Upon this rock I place the civilisation of Papuan people, although people possess high intelligence, reason and Marifa, they cannot lead this nation, this nation will rise up and lead itself” (Wasior, Manokwari, October 25, 1925, Rev.. IS Kijne ).

*Author: Chairman of the Board of the Fellowship of Baptist Churches of Papua.

West Papua Report April 2012

This is the 96th in a series of monthly reports that focus on developments affecting Papuans. This series is produced by the non-profit West Papua Advocacy Team (WPAT) drawing on media accounts, other NGO assessments, and analysis and reporting from sources within West Papua. This report is co-published with the East Timor and Indonesia Action Network (ETAN). Back issues are posted online at http://www.etan.org/issues/wpapua/default.htm Questions regarding this report can be addressed to Edmund McWilliams at edmcw@msn.com. If you wish to receive the report via e-mail, send a note to etan@etan.org.


An Indonesian court has sentenced five senior Papuans to three years imprisonment following their conviction on “treason” charges. They fell victim to the same undemocratic law employed against more than 90 Papuans and Malukans for their peaceful dissent in recent years. The five were charged for their central role in the October 16-19, 2011 “Third Papuan National Congress,” a peaceful assertion of Papuans’ right to self-determination that came under brutal assault by Indonesian security forces. In a statement, WPAT calls for an end to that law which was developed during Dutch colonial times, was employed by the dictator Suharto, and now has no place in a democratic Indonesia. Thousands of Papuans took to the streets in West Papua and elsewhere on the occasion of the visit to Indonesia of UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon. The largely peaceful demonstrations called for a special referendum to at last allow Papuans a genuine act of self-determination. More than 90 international organizations have called on the U.S. Congress to block sale of Apache helicopters. They would significantly expand the capacity of Indonesian security forces to conduct “sweep operations” that have devastated rural Papuan villagers. A recent book and a commentary by a Papuan legislator have underscored the Indonesian governments persistent failure to bring essential services to rural Papuans. WPAT observes that for many rural Papuans the face of the Indonesian government is not that of a teacher, doctor or nurse but rather, that of a solider, policeman or intelligence agent.


Papuan Leaders Sentenced to Three Years Imprisonment; Security Force Thugs Evade Justice

On March 16, an Indonesian court convicted five prominent Papuans of “treason” and handed down sentences of three years imprisonment for each of them. The charges, based on the infamous Article 106 of the Indonesian Criminal Code (see WPAT Comment below), derived from the Papuans involvement in the October 16-19, 2011 “Third Papuan National Congress” (See West Papua Report, November 2011). The victims of this travesty of justice were Forkorus Yaboisembut, Edison Waromi, Selfius Bobii, Agus Kraar, and Dominikus Sorabut.

The October 2011 congress drew 5000 Papuans representing all districts in West Papua. At the conclusion of this peaceful three day meeting, participants declared independence for West Papua and elected Forkorus Yaboisembut, who heads the Papuan Tribal Assembly, as their President. The congress elected Edison Waromi as Prime Minister.

The real crimes during the three day gathering were committed by the security forces, including the U.S. organized and funded Detachment 88, which along with other state security elements, that attacked the gathering shortly after it concluded. As participants were preparing to leave the open air venue, the police opened fire from their armored personnel carriers. At least three people were killed in cold blood. Participants were rounded up, beaten, kicked, and forced to crawl into the middle of the field. Some 90 sustained injuries and 300 people were arbitrarily detained.

Despite demands from Papuan, Indonesian and international organizations that the security personnel who were perpetrators of this violence be brought to trial the Indonesian government, as usual, refused to hold these elements responsible. Only 17 Indonesian police personnel received “administrative sanctions” in internal disciplinary hearings.

The trial of the five Papuans and the failure to hold security force personnel accountable for their attack has drawn protests from international non-governmental organizations. The U.S. government, however, has not reacted to these miscarriages of justice.

In one of the stronger commentaries on the travesty, Amnesty International called on Indonesian authorities to “immediately and unconditionally release” the five. Amnesty said the court decision “significantly eroded Indonesia’s respect for freedom of expression and peaceful assembly.” Amnesty International considers all five men to be prisoners of conscience, part of a group of more than 90 political activists in the provinces of Papua and Maluku “who have been imprisoned solely for their peaceful political activities.”

For its part Human Rights Watch, in addition to condemning the trial of the five and failure to address the violence against civilians perpetrated by security forces, also raised serious due process concerns. HRW cited the defense team as telling the court that police questioned their clients in the first 24 hours of arrest without their lawyers present. According to the defense team, “the men were beaten by police while in custody. Police allegedly kicked Yaboisembut in the chest and beat his head with a rifle butt. Sorabut testified that the police beat him on his head with a pistol and struck his body repeatedly with an M-16 assault rifle. Kraar said he was hit by police twice on the head with a pistol,” Human Rights Watch wrote.

Indonesia Continues to Resort to Undemocratic Means to Repress Peaceful Dissent

WPAT Statement: Indonesia continues to prosecute and punish Papuans for the peaceful exercise of their internationally recognized rights to free expression and of assembly, rights protected under international law including Article 1 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and Article 1 of the International Covenant on Social, Economic and Cultural Rights. Indonesia is party to both of these treaties and is similarly obligated to protect free expression and the right of peaceful assembly under terms of the Universal Declaration on Human Rights.

Indonesia’s own constitution (see Article 28(e) and 28(f)) protects free expression and the right of peaceful assembly. Article 28(e) states, “Every person shall have the right to the freedom of association and expression of opinion.” Article 28(f) provides for the individual “right to communicate and obtain information for the development of his/her personal life and his/her social environment, and shall have the right to seek, acquire, possess, keep, process, and convey information by using all available channels.”

The government, however, uses Articles 106 (for makar, treason), 110 (conspiracy) and 160 (incitement) of the Indonesian Criminal Code to repress peaceful free expression and assembly.

Since 2008, at least 82 Papuans have been charged under some or all of these provisions with sentences ranging from ten months to six years imprisonment. The vast majority of those charged and convicted were engaged in peaceful actions such as the raising of the Papuan “morning star” flag, a symbol that resonates as a powerful symbol of identity for many Papuans. In 1999. the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention declared the detention of such flag raisers was “arbitrary.”

These arbitrary restrictions originate from Indonesia’s colonial period and were used extensively by the Suharto dictatorship to repress dissent. These undemocratic provisions served not only to punish peaceful protest, but also as a powerful tool of intimidation.

Most recently, the Indonesian criminal justice system used Article 106 to target Papuans who played prominent roles in the October 16-19, 2011 “Third Papuan National Congress.” (see above) The assembly was attacked by security forces who killed at least three participants, beat scores more. and arbitrarily detained several hundred. While the Indonesian Government has prosecuted the leaders of this peaceful gathering, the government has failed to bring to justice those security forces who attacked the Congress participants.

Papuans Mark the Visit of UNSG to Stage Massive Demonstrations

Thousands of peaceful civilians demonstrated in the streets of cities and towns throughout West Papua in March in conjunction with the March 20 visit to Indonesia by UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon. An estimated 5000 demonstrators in the capitol, Jayapura (Port Numbay), effectively brought normal activity in that hub to a halt.

The rallies, organized by the West Papua National Committee, were largely peaceful. In a departure from usual practice some demonstrators attacked journalists covering the marches. Victor Mambor, chair of the Alliance of Independent Journalists in Jayapura, said that the presence of the TNI or police in civilian clothing near the journalists led to the journalists being regarded as “tools.” Mambor explained, “It is because there were so many security forces near the journalists who were covering the event that the journalists were thought to be collaborating with the security forces. We have to understand the situation in Papua which means that if someone realizes that there are security forces in our midst, we should not allow them any space.”

For their part, imprisoned political leaders Forkorus Yaboisembut and Edison Waromi called on the UN and others to push for the rights of West Papuans, including the right to self-determination and control over the territory’s mineral resources. West Papua was a Dutch colony until 1962 when control was handed over to the UN ahead of a planned vote on self-determination.

Groups Urge US Congress to Block Sale of U.S. Attack Helicopters to Indonesian Military

The West Papua Advocacy Team (WPAT) and the East Timor and Indonesia Action Network (ETAN) organized a statement urging the U.S. government and Congress not to sell AH-64 Apache helicopters to the Indonesian military (TNI).

More than 90 human rights, religious, indigenous rights, disarmament and other organizations worldwide write that “Providing these helicopters would pose a direct threat to Papuan civilians, who have been the target of deadly TNI assaults for many years”

The groups believe that the helicopters will inevitably be used to augment the Indonesian security forces ongoing campaign against Papuans in rural areas. That campaign has led to the destruction of Papuan villages, the coerced displacement of thousands of Papuan civilians, and the deaths of many, either as a direct result of security force attacks or due to prolonged displacement into inhospitable jungles and forests.

The text of the petition follows:

As organizations concerned about human rights in Indonesia and West Papua, we are writing to urge the U.S. government and Congress not to allow the sale of AH-64 Apache attack helicopters to the Indonesian military (TNI). Providing these helicopters would pose a direct threat to Papuan civilians, who have been the target of deadly TNI assaults for many years.
The sale of this weapons system to the TNI — notwithstanding its long record of disregard for civilian casualties, corruption, human rights violations and impunity in East Timor, Aceh and elsewhere — would only increase the suffering of the Papuan population.
Indonesia’s Deputy Minister of Defense Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin told the Antara news agency, that Indonesia intends to buy eight AH-64 Apache helicopter from the United States.
The heavily-armed AH-64 is a highly lethal weapon which can be used to escalate conflict within Indonesia and in West Papua. These aircraft will substantially augment the TNI’s capacity to prosecute its “sweep operations” in West Papua and thereby, almost certainly lead to increased suffering among the civilian populations long victimized by such operations.
TNI “sweep operations,” including several now underway in the Central Highlands region of West Papua, involve attacks on villages. Homes are destroyed, along with churches and public buildings. These assaults, purportedly to eliminate the poorly armed Papuan armed resistance, force innocent villagers from their homes. Papuan civilians either flee the attacks to neighboring villages or into the surrounding forests where many die or face starvation, cut off from access to their gardens, shelter, and medical care.

The AH-64is designed for air to ground attack. It can operate day or night and is armed with high caliber chain guns . It is also equipped to fire missiles.Congress must be notified of major weapons sales. We urge Congress to oppose the sale of these helicopters.Vital Services Not Available to Many Rural Papuans

The daily JUBI reported  on a new book by Cipry Jehan. The Papuan Paradox, describes “systematic discrimination” targeting Papuans in Keerom District. At a seminar convened by the Catholic Church in Keerom Jehan described “structural social injustice.” He said that the Indonesian government has focused development efforts in the area of Arso and Skamto, areas populated largely by non-Papuan immigrants and transmigrants. Papuan majority areas such as Waris and Towe do not receive such development assistance, he explained.

Jehan added that discrimination against Papuans extends to education. As evidence he cited the reality of inequality in educational services provided from nursery school level right up to secondary school level. In Keerom district, he said, nursery schools are spread right across the districts whereas in the Papuan majority districts of Waris and Towe Hitam there are no educational facilities at all. He concluded that “The government is much more consistent about sending troops to this area than sending teachers and doctors.”

On March 26, JUBI, reported that Kenius Kogoya, a member of the Papuan legislative assembly (DPRP), expressed regret that Indonesian state teachers and health personnel seldom venture out to rural Papuan populations.

Despite explicit and implicit obligations undertaken by the Indonesian government, particularly under the rubric of “special autonomy,” Papuans living in rural areas have long suffered from a dearth of public services.

Kenius elaborated that there was widespread neglect by Indonesian officials who are supposed to check on whether government teachers and health workers in the interior turn up for work. The DPRP member stated that this is a problem that exists in almost all the districts of Papua.

WPAT Comment: For West Papuans, especially those living in rural areas, the face of the Indonesian government is not that of a teacher or a nurse or a doctor. It is the face of a soldier, a militarized police officer (Brimob), or an intelligence agent. Vital services provided in relative abundance to non-Papuans are simply not available for Papuans who continue to languish in poverty and to endure health conditions that are among the worst in the Southeast Asian region. It is precisely such disparity that have led many close observers to describe Indonesia’s policy toward Papuans as genocidal.

But it would be wrong to portray Indonesia’s policy as simply one of malign neglect. Indonesian security forces have long played the role of brutal enforcer as Indonesian, U.S. and other international corporations seize Papuan land and resources, aping the vilest practices of colonial powers of the past century. Transmigration policies conceived and employed during the era of the dictator Suharto are again in place, supported by Government “development” policies, as seen above, that greatly advantage the migrant over the deliberately marginalized Papuan.

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