Tag Archives: Densus88

Densus 88 & Indon Police shoot dead unarmed Nabire High school student

by WestPapuaMedia, and local sources

June 28, 2016

WARNING: THIS REPORT CONTAINS DISTRESSING IMAGES

Australian-supported Indonesian Police special forces shot dead a teenage Papuan high school student in central Nabire city, West Papua, on Monday (27th June) afternoon, in an apparently premeditated ambush without provocation, according to credible reports and witnesses from the scene.  The student was unarmed.

Local independent media in Nabire, UmagiNews, are reporting that the extrajudicial killing occurred as the high school students were passing by the heavily armed police patrol near a roundabout in central Nabire.  WestPapuaMedia stringers have confirmed these reports.

Oen (Owen) Pekei, 18, a student from class 2, YPPGI (Senior High School) Karang Mulia Nabire West Papua, was shot dead at 5pm local time, Monday, after being chased by at least three vehicles full of heavily armed, militarised police, according to witnesses.

One witness, whose name has been withheld for protection, told UmagiNews that Pekei was seen riding on a motorbike carrying a noken bag with the outlawed Morning Star pro-independence symbol.  Police gave chase with three motorbikes, three unmarked police vehicles, and a truck full of fully armed and armoured Densus88 anti-terror police in balaclavas joined the chase.  Pekei was herded into an ambush area, where more Densus88 armed members of the police were awaiting him at three points, according to the witness.

Pekei was then shot in front of the new city complex at the Nabire regent’s office, allegedly from several directions simultaneously.  UmagiNews have published aseries of diagrams given by witnesses showing from where different armed units shot Pekei. One shot from Telkom head office, the second from within the memorial monuments, and the third from the D88 cars of Dalmas Porles Nabire.

Unconfirmed reports seen by WestPapuaMedia stringers allege that amongst the shooters both waiting and chasing Pekei, were a heavily armed patrol of black clad special forces police belonging to the Australian-trained and funded counter-terror unit Special Detachment (Densus) 88. Densus88 has been used extensively for several years to conduct extremely violent repression against Papuan civilians engaged in peaceful acts of free expression, and his currently deployed heavily across Papua, whilst still receiving funding and training from the Australian Federal Police.

The motive for shooting is not clear, however police have denied – in the military run colonial media outlet Nabire_Net  – that they shot Pekei, claiming instead that he died in hospital after hitting his head during the crash.  (WPM: The photos of Pekei – provided for publication by his family with permission – show the entry wound caused by a bullet, which is inconsistent with road impact at low-speed*).  However, human rights observers told UmagiNews that questions arose that if Pekei was considered a road accident victim that was unconscious, why he was dumped in the mortuary instead of receiving an attempt in the emergency room of hospital.

Other circumstances surrounding the shooting have not been confirmed at time of writing, and Indonesian Police in Nabire have refused to answer phone and SMS messages from WestPapuaMedia and also local stringers.

A human rights monitor in Nabire who exposed the news observed that the “Motive Appears unknown (as) conducted by the police, but people of Papua demand the Indonesian state carries out a just “crack down” on any human rights violations that occurred.” 

This shooting is not the first time an event like this has occurred. On 5 December 2014 the Bloody Paniai incident occurred that left four unarmed Papuan teenagers dead and 17 more Papuans injured when the Indonesian army and police opened fire on peaceful protesters in Paniai.

Some Papuans who have gathered outside the Regents office after the killing told UmagiNews that they “questioned the Indonesian government’s seriousness in resolving human rights violations by the Indonesian military.”

“Bloody Nabire has returned, the security apparatus of the Republic of Indonesia is shooting the indigenous people of West Papua, using the tools of State (guns)”

WestPapuaMedia

*Editor WPM has extensive Street Medic and HEFAT Combat First Responder/Aid experience

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Key OPM Figure Danny Kogoya dies from injuries from Densus 88 shooting

danny kogoya in vanimo
Danny Kogoya. Photo: Liam Cochrane/ ABC

From our partners in Jayapura, MAJALAH SELANGKAH with additional reporting from West Papua Media

December 16, 2013

A well known figure in the armed wing of the Papuan Independence Organisation (Organisasi Papua Merdeka (OPM)) Danny Kogoya, is reported to have died at a location in PNG close to the Indonesian PNG border on Sunday (15 December 2013).

A contact for majalahselangkah.com in Jayapura explained that Kogoya died as a result of an infection in his right leg, which had been amputated following being shot  when arrested by Police in Jayapura at the Dani Hotel in Entrop Jayapura on 2 September 2012.

Police at the time said Kogoya was attacked due to him being a suspect in a shooting at Jayapura and was shot in the foot when trying to flee through the back of the hotel. Following being shot he was taken to the police hospital (Bhayangkara) at Kotaraja for acute medical treatment.

He was then detained in a cell at the Jayapura Police Headquarters, after which he was moved to the Abepura Prison. He faced the State Court (Class I.A) in  Jayapura for suspected involvement in the abovestated shooting but was eventually released by the law.

Once released he went to Camp Victoria (an OPM Camp) close to the border between PNG and Indonesia. Whilst there a member of the governing forces in the border region sent a photo of Kogoya to the police in Jayapura, resulting in him being yet again threatened with arrest. So finally he fled to PNG.

The journey to PNG led to an infection in the wound where his foot had been amputated, so he was given traditional treatment in the forest of PNG. At that time he was quoted by the ABC as having urged the leaders of the OPM who had gathered at Camp Victoria, to continue the struggle to separate from Indonesia.

“ My foot has been cut-off because I am a member of the OPM and I personally urge for independence (for Papua). Papua must be independent of Indonesia” stated Danny Kogoya to the ABC.

Kogoya’s Body to be Taken Home

Activist Matius Murib wrote on Facebook  that it was planned for the body of the late Danny Kogoya to be taken back to Papua to be buried. He stated that coordination and administrative requirements to enable that had already been arranged.

“In relation to the plan to send the body of a Papuan activist Danny Kogoya from Vanimo, PNG back to Jayapura city this date (16/12/2013), technical coordination at the border and the arranging of administrative matters, protection and family to receive the body at Vanimo have already been organised and the family have guaranteed security in regards to the order of things and also that all will run smoothly” noted Murib on Facebook.

He requested the Police to not enter the area in the vicinity of the funeral home at Kamkey Abepura. Journalists have been banned from joining the funeral ceremony from the time of the funeral procession, at the funeral home and until the end of the funeral proceedings.

On Tuesday afternoon, stringers for West Papua Media had reported that heavily armed police and army had deployed in their hundreds around the home area of Kogoya outside Jayapura, escalating an already tense situation.  Our sources have also reported that no protest actions are planned, amid intelligence agencies actions to focus on a propaganda campaign discouraging local residents from commemorating Kogoya’s death.  According to our stringers, present in Jayapura, this campaign of broadcasts and public announcements is threatening the use of force if any mourning “crosses over to support pro-independence”.

The situation is being monitored closely, and may escalate.  For urgent updates, please see our Twitter feed @westpapuamedia .

(AE/GE/IST/MS/WPM)

(Translated by West Papua Media)

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Quid pro quo: Goliath Tabuni allegedly threatens to shoot police chief after police place Tabuni on wanted list

Bintang Papua
7 April 2013
In response to the announcement by the police that they have placed Goliath Tabuni on the WANTED list, Goliath Tabuni told Bintang Papua last Saturday that he had laughed at the announcement, and said it was very strange bearing in mind that he has been waging a struggle already for several decades, so how come he has only now been put on the  WANTED list.
He said that he was not troubled by the announcement: ‘We know that our struggle bears risks, but making this announcement at the present time suggests that there is a certain purpose in doing so.’He went on to announce that he has ordered his men to shoot the chief of police Inspector-General Tito Karnavian.  ‘Since the chief of police has issued an announcement, I too, issue a call to my men to be prepared to  shoot the chief of police if he comes here to Puncak Jaya.”Last week’s announcement by the chief of police stated: ‘The chief commander of TPN/OPM Gen. Goliath Tabuni  is wanted in connection with the shootings which occurred on 21 February 2013 in Sinak and Tingginambut.’

Goliath Tabuni’s statement was made in a press release which stated: “In  connection with the announcement by the chief of police, the TPN/OPM herewith declares to the Indonesian government and to the general public as well as to the international community that the aim of the struggle of the TPN/OPM is clear and justified.  That is to say, it is waging a struggle for the independence of the Papuan people and to have the right to determine their own future.”

It also stated that Goliath Tabuni, as the commander-in-chief of the TPN/OPM, will issue an operational order for the chief of police Inspector-General Tito Karnavian to be shot dead if he comes to the Central Highlands for operational purposes whenever this may occur. “We are ready to shoot down the plane in which the chief of police may be travelling because we are able to classify all flights into the interior.”

“We warn the chief of police that, before issuing a ‘wanted’  order, he should take effective measures to find a solution to the political conflict in West Papua,” the statement said

“We herewith warn (Indonesian President) SBY and the Indonesian Government to take effective action to resolve the conflict about the status of  West Papua, bearing in mind its status as part of the Republic of Indonesia is illegal according to all the facts that can be investigated.”

‘There must be tripartite talks between the United Nations, the Indonesian Government and representatives of the Papuan people who shall be determined by the TPN/OPM,” he said.

He finally declared that the TPN/OPM will continue with its struggle and can never be intimidated by acts of terror and intimidation by the Indonesian security forces which are carried out by the chief of police and the commander of the Cenderawasih/ VII Military Command.

[Translated by TAPOL]

 

Response to Call to Apply Indonesia’s Anti-Terrorism Law in West Papua

by Ed McWilliams

February 2, 2013

Edmund McWilliams is a retired U.S. Foreign Service Officer who served as the Political Counselor at the U.S. Embassy in Jakarta 1996-1999. He received the American Foreign Service Association’s Christian Herter Award for creative dissent by a senior foreign service official. He is a member of the West Papua Advocacy Team and a consultant with the East Timor and Indonesia Action Network (ETAN).
In a December 5, 2012 lecture at Stanford University’s International Policy Studies program ( revised January 22, 2013), the respected Southeast Asia analyst Sidney Jones discussed the Indonesian government’s unwillingness, thus far, to categorize the Papuan “ethno-nationalists/separatists” as “terrorists.” Jones identifies these Papuan “ethno-nationalists” and “separatists” as the armed Papuan opposition, Operasi Papua Merdeka (OPM) and what she describes as “an extremist faction of KNPB, the West Papua National Committee, a militant pro-independence organization.” Jones cites various incidents of violence in West Papua that she claims were committed by these “ethno-nationalists and separatists.”


The authors of violence in the Indonesian archipelago, especially violence with complex motives, are never so clear cut as her lecture implies. This is especially true of West Papua where police-military rivalries over access to resources and sources of extortion monies is well known.



Her analysis focuses on the different approaches employed against the West Papuan “ethno-nationalists/separatists” and against Islamic militants (“jihadists”) by prosecutors and the security forces (police, military and Detachment 88). Jones contends that “the discrepancy between the way the two groups are treated by the legal system is untenable.” She considers two alternatives: One would be to employ anti-terrorism law in West Papua, and the other would entail moving away from the use of anti-terror law against “jihadists.” She argues extensively against the latter approach of “pulling back from the use of the anti-terror law.”

Jones contends that pressure for use of the anti-terror law against “ethno-nationalists/separatists” is growing among Islamic observers. In particular, she cites Harits Abu Ulya, director of the Community of Ideological Islamic Analysts (CIIA): “If the government is consistent, then it should acknowledge that attacks motivated by ethno-nationalism and separatism be considered terrorism because they are carried out by an organization with a political vision that uses terrorism to influence the security environment and challenge(s) the sovereignty of the state. Why aren’t we seeing forces being sent en masse to cleanse Papua of separatism?”

Jones’ argument warrants a more detailed critique than space here allows, but even a brief review reveals a number of problems.

Jones summarily credits recent violent acts in West Papua to the “ethno-nationalists and separatists.” This is surprising insofar as Jones is a highly regarded observer of the Indonesian political scene with a deep human rights background. She knows, or should know, that the authors of violence in the Indonesian archipelago — especially violence with complex motives — are never so clear cut as her lecture implies. This is especially true of West Papua where police-military rivalries over access to resources and sources of extortion monies is well known. Jones should know also that military, police and intelligence agencies, have long played the role of provocateur, orchestrating acts of violence which advance agendas that are invariably obscure.

Jones cites what she claims is recent “ethno-nationalist” pressure on the giant Freeport McMoRan mining operation. She ignores the reality that such pressure in the past has frequently been orchestrated by the military, specifically the Indonesian Special Forces (Kopassus). To be fair, Jones alludes to this complexity but largely dismisses it. Her analysis similarly ignores the reality that the Indonesian state has long blocked international monitoring of such security force skullduggery and manipulation of the security environment in West Papua by restricting travel by international journalists, human rights researchers and others to and within the region.

Jones also fails to acknowledge the reality, widely noted in international and local human rights circles, that the Indonesian government has long sought to smear peaceful dissent in West Papua as “separatist.” Jakarta, through the aegis of a corrupt court system and often criminal state security forces, has repeatedly employed the “separatist” label to arrest and prosecute or detain peaceful political dissenters, such as those who display the Papuan morning star flag. Courts regularly resort to charges of treason that date to the Dutch colonial era and widely used by the Suharto dictatorship to intimidate dissidents. Jones’ call for Indonesia to define “separatism” as “terrorism” would deepen Jakarta’s targeting of peaceful dissent and the intimidation of Papuans generally. Use of the anti-terror law would enable the police to detain “separatist” suspects, including those engaging in peaceful protest, for a week rather than 48 hours. The law also empowers the police to employ electronic surveillance. Ongoing efforts would strengthen the anti-terror law to give the police even broader powers to limit the freedom of speech and assembly.


The argument to employ the “terrorist” label against “ethno-nationalist and separatist” groups and individuals in West Papua could have direct legal implications for international solidarity movements.



Jones claim that the West Papua Nationalist Committee (KNPB) is a “extremist,” is without substantiation. Criminal activity by some alleged members of the KNPB is generally not well corroborated and usually reflects efforts by the State to undermine the organization. The KNPB, and many other Papuan organizations and individuals are indeed ever more strongly pressing for Papuan rights, importantly including the long-denied Papuan right to self determination. But these efforts are largely nonviolent.

In recent years, this struggle has found growing support within the international community. Employing the “terrorist” label against “ethno-nationalist and separatist” groups and individuals in West Papua could have direct legal implications for international solidarity movements. In the U.S., groups or individuals who advocate on behalf of groups designated by the U.S. government as “terrorists” are subject to criminal prosecution. Given the close relations among governments, including those of the U.S. and Australia and Indonesia’s security forces, Indonesian government labeling dissidents in West Papua as “terrorist” could have dire implications for the solidarity network. How long would it be before the U.S. and other governments themselves begin to label various Papuan groups and individuals as ‘”terrorist.” U.S. and other international groups acting in solidarity with Papuans seeking to attain their rights could be criminally targeted and charged.

In sum, the Jones analysis is hobbled by the very term “terrorism” which is so poorly defined international law and procedure as to threaten and intimidate even those groups and individuals engaged in peaceful dissent.

In a final note, Sidney Jones, who was the Asia Director for Human Rights Watch from 1989 to 2002, should at a minimum explicitly reject the call by Harits Abu Ulya that she cites in her lecture for the Indonesian government “to cleanse Papua of separatism.” Such rhetoric gives license to the kind of atrocities already visited on the people of the Indonesian archipelago, including Timor-Leste, for far too long.

Also

Posted here: http://www.etan.org/news/2013/01response.htm

Shooting in Puncak Jaya, Papua police search for a group

Tabloid Jubi

January 11, 2013

Papua Police chief and OTK Commander Tito Karnavian

Papua regional police will do thorough investigation on one of the armed groups in Puncak Jaya regency, after the shootings in Kampung Kuyukwi, Puncak Jaya regency on Thursday (10/1) At approximately 17:45 EDT, resulting in injuring one of TNI member called Hasan and one  civilian named H. Hadith Nito died.

Papua Police Chief Inspector General of Police Tito Karnavian told to reporters in Jayapura on Friday (11/1), that measures had been taken in this and local police conducted the crime scene, and then help the victims included donors of blood  for the victims who are in critical condition.

“We are planning to form a team to go to Puncak Jaya. This team will  conduct the crime scene and investigation, and identification of the suspects who did the shooting. The information we receive, is that actually in that area there are several armed groups, so we stayed mapping which groups are most likely to perform that action, both in terms of motives, the possible characteristics of the perpetrators, and the type of weapons used. For sure we are up for a particular group, conducting a deep research of the group, “he said.

According to him, whilst a single perpetrator, but there may be people who help, supervise, and provide information, however the one who did the execution is the single culprit. “The transitory weapon had a short barrel, eyewitnesses saw a short weapon. The type is subject to forensic examination, “he said.

When asked whether the shooting was by the group led by Goliath Tabuni,  the provincial police chief said, all possibilities can happen, however from the temporary  examination by the police this is not the group. “We see in the addition of this group there is another group in the district of Puncak Jaya. For sure we are up for the group. While as to what the motives are, we can answer the motive if the culprit is caught or someone will tell us, “he said.

Meanwhile, Lt. Col. Jansen Simanjuntak of Kapendam XVII Cenderawasih as confirmed by reporters via cell phone said that military act in accordance with the rules of law applicable to the matter which the police is to investigate thoroughly.

“When you look at the incident the shooter did not have any sense of humanity either at the shooting of soldiers and or civilian, fact is that the victim did not do anything wrong to be suddenly shot from behind,” he said.

Previously, the shooting by unknown person (OTK) back in the villages Kuyukwi, Puncak Jaya regency on Thursday (10/1) At approximately 17:45 CET which resulted in one  TNI member named PFC Hasan  wounded and one civilian named H. Hadith Nito died.

Victim Hasan PFC  was shot in the lower back, while H. Hadith Nito was shot in the upper right chest and was rushed to a local hospital, but it did not help. Currently PFC Hasan was in intensive care at the General Hospital of Honor, Puncak Jaya regency as result of gunshot wounds he suffered. (Jubi / Alex)