SMH: Chipping away at paradise (Report on Australian mining in Raja Ampat)

http://www.smh.com.au/environment/conservation/chipping-away-at-paradise-20110701-1gv3s.html

Tom Allard

July 2, 2011

Turquoise waters ... the Kawe Island coral reef.Turquoise waters … the Kawe Island coral reef.

Australia’s lust for minerals threatens a marine wilderness, writes Tom Allard in Jakarta.

About once a month, a ship from Townsville makes the long journey to Raja Ampat, a seascape of astonishing beauty and diversity.

In the far western reaches of the island of New Guinea, where the westerly currents of the Pacific flow into the Indian Ocean, hundreds of improbable, domed limestone pinnacles rise from the sea, encircling placid, turquoise lagoons.

Fjord-like bays cut deep into the hinterland of mountainous islands, framed by vertiginous jungle-clad cliffs that drop steeply into the water. There are oceanic atolls, shallow bays with fine white sand beaches, snaking rivers and mangrove swamps.

Wayag Island is one of the islands within the Raja Ampat district in the province of West Papua. The island is known for its beautiful atolls and amazing underwater life covering a total area of 155,000 hectares. Click for more photos

The beauty of Raja Ampat

Wayag Island is one of the islands within the Raja Ampat district in the province of West Papua. The island is known for its beautiful atolls and amazing underwater life covering a total area of 155,000 hectares.

  • Wayag Island is one of the islands within the Raja Ampat district in the province of West Papua. The island is known for its beautiful atolls and amazing underwater life covering a total area of 155,000 hectares.
  • Even though this photo was taken in southern Raja this scene could easily be from Wayag. Photo: Jones/Shimlock
  • Beautiful scenery at Raja Ampat. Photo: Jones/Shimlock.
  • A turtle at Raja Ampat. Photo: Jones/Shimlock.
  • A wrasse in the waters of Raja Ampat. Photo: Jones/Shimlock.
  • A typical bommie in northern Raja Ampat. Photo: Jones/Shimlock
  • Local children enjoying the reef in front of their village. Photo: Jones/Shimlock.
  • Schooling anthias (basslets) at Raja Ampat. Photo: Jones/Shimlock
  • Two bannerfish. Photo: Jones/Shimlock.
  • Even though these animals are from a region just south of Kawe, mantas are often seen at Eagle Rock a Kawe Island divesite. Photo: Jones/Shimlock.
  • A school of fish poses for the camera. Photo: Jones/Shimlock.
  • The sweetlip is a signature species in northern Raja. Photo: Jones/Shimlock

If the numerous islands and countless shoals and reefs of Raja Ampat take the breath away, they only hint at the treasures below. This remote part of West Papua province in Indonesia is the world’s underwater Amazon, the hub of the world’s marine biodiversity, home to 75 per cent of its coral and 1500 fish species, including huge manta rays; epaulette sharks that walk on the sea floor with their fins; turtles and an array of weird and wonderful fish.Yet the vessel that makes the regular trip to and from Townsville does not bring tourists or divers. There are no scientists on board to study this marine wonderland.

Rather, the vessel carries tens of thousands of tons of the red clay soil, rich in nickel and cobalt, which is destined for the Yabulu refinery owned by one of Australia’s richest men, Clive Palmer.

Sediment run-off from mining on Kawe Island.Sediment run-off from mining on Kawe Island.

Conservationists and marine scientists say this mining activity and the prospect of more exploitation puts one of the world’s most precious ecosystems under threat.

As the environment is imperilled, the impact on local communities has been devastating. Once close-knit villages are divided as competing mining companies offer financial inducements to residents for support. And, in a sadly familiar tale for the Papua region, where separatist sentiments linger, the benefits of exploiting its resources are largely flowing outside the region. Derisory royalties go to landowners and minuscule salaries are paid to locals who gain employment.

”I’m appalled by what’s going on,” says Charlie Veron, the former chief scientist from the Australian Institute of Marine Sciences, who has surveyed the region on many occasions.

Sediment from mining.Sediment from mining.

”If you had a rainforest with the most diverse range of species in the world and people started mining there without doing any kind of proper environmental impact study, there would quite rightly be outrage … Well, that’s what’s happening here.”

The vessels sent to collect the nickel and cobalt for Palmer’s Queensland Nickel company dock at Manuran Island, where the mining has continued unabated despite a decree by the West Papua governor, Abraham Atururi, banning all mining activity in Raja Ampat.

”The mining started in 2006. There were protests but the military and police came and they stopped them,” says Yohannis Goram, from Yayasan Nazareth, a local group that opposes mining.

The operator of the mine, PT Anugerah Surya Pratama (PT ASP), has promised environmental safeguards, but according to one local from nearby Rauki village they are ineffective.

”When it rains the sea turns red and sometimes even yellow,” a village elder says in a phone interview. ”The runoff is supposed to go into a hole but they come out [into the sea].”

Yosias Kein hails from Kapidiri, another island near Manuran that claims customary ownership. ”The mining waste damaged the coastal areas and covered up the coral reefs. Besides, it is difficult for people to get fish now. Fishermen in Kabare village, also in Rauki village, saw the waste went down into the seas near Manuran. Now they have to go fishing a bit further to the east or west.”

The strip mining for nickel leaves the landscape barren and the steep cliffs of Raja Ampat’s islands mean heavy rainfall overwhelms the drainage systems and sends the heavy soil into the water.

The impact is twofold and ”really nasty” for coral, Veron says. ”Sedimentation sinks on to the coral and smothers it. But worse is ‘clay fraction’, where very fine particles are suspended in the water, blocking the sunlight.”

Photos taken from Manuran and supplied to the Herald show murky water and dead coral after heavy rain.

PT ASP, based in Jakarta, owns PT Anugrah Surya Indotama (PT ASI), another mining outfit that operates on Kawe Island in Raja Ampat, despite a court order to desist due to a conflict over mining rights with a West Papua-based company.

The ultimate ownership of the companies are a mystery, although West Papua is rife with speculation that senior politicians and military figures have a stake in them. That is easy to understand, as the Jakarta firm seems to have extraordinary pull at the highest levels of government in Jakarta and Raja Ampat.

The rival mining company PT Kawei Sejahtera Mining (PT KSM) is owned by a local man, Daniel Daat. When it began loading its first shipload of nickel at Kawe in 2008, PT ASI, which also claims a mining licence for Kawe, complained. Three gunships and a plane were deployed to stop the consignment and Daat was thrown into prison.

The mines at Manuran and Kawe are guarded by military and police who locals say are on the company payroll. And while 15 mining companies have been pushed out of Raja Ampat after the governor’s decree, PT ASP and PT ASI have stayed.

Korinus Ayelo is the village chief of Selpele, which has customary ownership of Kawe, and supports Daat’s PT KSM. But PT ASI engineered the highly contested elevation of another chief, Benyamin Arempele, who endorsed its right to mine. Repeated legal cases have found in favour of Daat, but PT ASI continues to develop its mine and conduct exploration.

”They are still working today, guarded by the police,” Ayelo says. Villagers who were previously close now don’t talk to each other.

”There’s a distance between our hearts,” he continues. ”The people are uneasy. PT ASI uses the military. There are TNI [armed forces] everywhere. People must face the presence of TNI every day.”

Daat says high level political and military support from Jakarta is behind PT ASI’s continued operations. ”It is impossible to get such support for nothing. I believe the profits from Manuran Island are shared by several parties, parties that support this company. I won this case at the district court, at the provincial court and at the Supreme Court. How great is the Indonesian law system? They are still in Kawe doing exploitation despite the court’s rulings.”

At the very least, the two companies appear to have a cavalier approach to doing business in Raja Ampat. Police documents obtained by the Herald reveal the company allegedly bribed the bupati (regency head) of Raja Ampat, Marcus Wanma, to gain mining licences.

Wanma was paid $36,000 to issue the licences in 2004, and a further $23,270 for ”entertainment” purposes, the report said, citing police interviews with 16 witnesses, including Wanma’s staff and Yos Hendri, a director of PT ASI and PT ASP.

The report finds that about 670 million rupiah (then worth about $122,000) was paid to Wanma in 2004 for nine mining licences and only 197 million rupiah deposited in the regency’s bank accounts.

”The rest of the 500 million was used for the personal interest of [official] Oktovanius Mayor and Marcus Wanma” the report says.

Wanma escaped prosecution and remains the regency head. He has been incapacitated with a serious illness and is believed to be recuperating in Singapore. He was unavailable for interview and Raja Ampat officials declined to comment.

Whether the licences were corruptly obtained or not, the sum paid for them is derisory.

The open-cut mining undertaken on Manuran is cheap and low tech. After clearing the vegetation, workers simply dig up the soil, haul it into trucks and take it to the docks, where it is sent for processing to extract pure nickel, used in stainless steel. The mine’s wharf is nothing more than a tethered barge with no cranes. Costs for the company consist of little more than maintaining about 40 trucks, heavy moving equipment and the simple wharf.

Villagers and employees say most of the mine’s labourers earn between $170 and $200 a month. Customary landowners receive a royalty, but an investigation by the Herald has discovered that it is tiny.

Soleman Kein, an elder from Kapidiri, a village with customary rights over Manuran Island, says a new deal was negotiated last year increasing landowners’ share of the mine’s income from 1000 rupiah (11¢) a tonne to 1500 rupiah a tonne.

An industry expert with knowledge of Raja Ampat’s high-grade nickel laterite ore deposits says PT ASP would have been getting between $US40 ($37) and $US100 a tonne, depending on the fluctuating world price. The average would be about $US60 a tonne, he says.

At that price, a single 50,000-tonne shipload earns the miner $US3 million. The mine at Manuran Island typically sends at least two shiploads a month. On those figures, the locals are getting less than a 0.3 per cent share.

”These companies want a lot of money for not much effort,” says one miner with two decades of experience in Papua. ”They pay as little attention as they can to environmental standards and take the money and get out … The amount the locals get is pitiful.”

Hendri, a director of both PT ASI and PT ASP, pulled out of an interview at the last minute and declined to respond to detailed questions.

But one source intimate with the Manuran operation and the compensation deal says the local government gets another 3000 rupiah a tonne, and a further 2000 rupiah per tonne was devoted to infrastructure. All up, the insider says, about $200,000 has been spent on local villagers in royalties and infrastructure since 2007.

In that period the company has earned more than $150 million from sales, although between 4 per cent and 5 per cent of that revenue should flow back to the central government’s coffers.

Some of the villagers are happy with the arrangement. Soleman Kein is delighted with his new house, paid by the infrastructure fund.

”My house used to be made of sago leaves, but now the company has renovated it, our walls now are made of bricks, we have a roof made of zinc and the interior part of the house is beautifully painted,” he says.

But villagers from Rauki say only 10 of 76 homes promised in 2009 have been built. And disputes rage between clans over who gets the money offered by the company.

”Conflicts emerge because certain groups of families claim ownership of Manuran Island, while others reject their claims,” Yosias Kein says. ”Sometimes, there have been physical conflicts, sometimes an exchange of arguments. The problem is that the company does make some payments but the amount is not equal.”

The squabbles have torn apart what were once tight-knit communities. The simmering discontent is ”like a volcano” that ”will erupt one day”, one Rauki native says.

”Corporations are the ones that get the profits,” says Abner Korwa, a social worker from the Belantara charity who has tracked the mining closely. ”Once the deposit is exhausted, once it is gone, the big corporation leaves and we will be left alone with the massively damaged environment.”

Queensland Nickel has a sustainable development policy that strives for ”minimising our impact on the environment” and commits to ”pursue honest relationships” with communities. The company declined to respond to questions. ”We don’t comment on the business of our suppliers,” says Mark Kelly, Queensland Nickel’s external relations specialist.

Korwa says companies such as Queensland Nickel should not shirk their responsibilities for the behaviour of their suppliers, given they make considerable profits from the arrangement. ”They don’t have to invest too much in Raja Ampat. They don’t have to be troubled by mining concessions, the way business is done here,” he says. ”But they can still get the nickel”.

Oxfam Australia, which runs a mining ombudsman, says there is a clear obligation for companies that process raw minerals to be held accountable for their suppliers.

Oxfam Australia’s executive director, Andrew Hewett, says: ”Australian companies need to make sure that they are only buying minerals from other companies that respect workers’ rights, community rights and the environment. If there’s a good reason to believe that a supplier is causing harm, the company should undertake a thorough assessment.

”If any issues are found, the company should in the first instance work with the supplier to try to rectify the problem. If this doesn’t work, the company should reconsider its business relationship with the supplier.”

Queensland Nickel should be well aware of the issues in Raja Ampat.

It bought the Yabulu refinery from BHP Billiton in 2009 when the mining giant pulled out of Raja Ampat, selling its mining rights for the region’s Gag Island, amid concern about the ecological and social impacts of mining. The simmering discontent is not restricted to the villages around Manuran, but is ripping apart others that have been the custodians of Raja Ampat’s wonders for centuries, nourishing the sea and jungle with animist ceremonies.

For them Raja Ampat – literally Four Kings – was created by eggs that descended from heaven to rest in the water.

Many villagers and conservationists want mining stopped at Kawe and throughout Raja Ampat.

Kawe has huge environmental significance. It is close to the stunning Wayag archipelago of karst limestone pinnacles and hosts 20 world class diving sites, as well as breeding grounds for green and hawksbill turtles, and shark pupping grounds.

Photos obtained by the Herald show earlier mining activity at Kawe led to the heavy red soils flushing into the sea, covering the reefs, a problem that will get worse once full operations resume.

Dr Mark Erdmann, a senior adviser to Conservation International’s marine program in Indonesia, says: ”We are very concerned about the potential for sedimentation and metal deposits to be transported by Kawe’s strong currents and moved up to Wayag and down to Aljui Bay.”

Raja Ampat is theoretically protected by seven marine parks and a shark conservation zone. Controls on illegal fishing are actively enforced, but land-based threats such as mining on nearby islands continues unabated.

Indonesia’s government has recognised the extraordinary habitats in Raja Ampat. It put the region on the ”tentative list” to become a UNESCO world heritage area, like the Great Barrier Reef, in 2005. But the application has stalled due to government inaction. Many suspect that is because it wants to exploit the area’s natural resources through mining and logging.

In a deeply worrying development for conservationists, nickel and oil exploration restarted this year after the local government issued new exploration permits

Raja Ampat’s significance to the world is immense. It is the heart of the famed coral triangle and the strong currents that rush between its islands help seed much of the 1.6 billion hectares of reefs and marine life that spreads from the Philippines across to the Solomon Islands.

”There is tremendous wealth in the natural environment from fishing, pearling and tourism,” Erdmann says, citing a State University of Papua survey that found the long-term benefits from these eco-friendly economic activities outweighed the short-term gains from mining.

”Mining and this precious, pristine eco-system can’t coexist in the long term.”

Read more: http://www.smh.com.au/environment/conservation/chipping-away-at-paradise-20110701-1gv3s.html#ixzz1QrbX0MHv

Students press for action against widespread corruption in Papua

Bintang Papua, 27 June 2011
PAPUA A PARADISE FOR CORRUPT OFFICIALS

Students urge DPRP to adopt a regulation on combating corruption

Jayapura: Papua is a veritable paradise for people who corrupt the people’s money  while a number of top-level officials behave as if they are beyond the law,’ said Thomas Sugi, chairman of the Students Executive Board of the Faculty  of Law at Cenderawasih University. He was speaking at a demonstration of youth and students outside the  DPRP – Papua Provincial Legislative Assembly.

The students urged the DPRP to draft a regulation, known as a Perdasi, dealing with corruption and stamping it out. It has been estimated that as much as Rp. 28 trillion of OTSUS – special autonomy – funds were embezzled during the eight years from 2002 – 2010 following the adoption of the OTSUS law, according to the findings of the auditing body, BPK published on 18 April 2011.

Sugi said he hoped that such a regulation would act as a dis-incentive for officials of the province  who were thinking of embezzling money that belonged to the people. He said that the students fully support comments made about this problem on a number of occasions by the chief of police of the province, Drs Bekto Suprapto.

But he added that, should the law enforcement agency – the police – be shown to be seeking to protect the corruptors, then they would  press for the adoption of a non-confidence motion in the police chief for failing to keep his promise.

On the same occasion, the chief of police of Jayapura, AKBP Imam Setiawan SIK who had been pressed to support efforts to stamp out corruption in Papua declared that the aims of the demonstration were an inspiration to the law enforcement agencies. He said that they would act with all speed via the judiciary in cases where people in the community alleged that corruption had occurred.and would make regular reports to the general public on the matter.

‘The chief of police of the province also called on local police chiefs at the sub-district level to report at least three cases of corruption a year that were under investigation..’

And for the current year, he said, we would call for at least five cases to be handled.

Cabinet minister visits Merauke to promote the MIFEE project

JUBI: 27 June 2011

On his first visit to Merauke to see preparations for MIFEE, the Merauke Integrated Food and Energy Estate, Marie Pangestu, the Minister of Industry and Trade said that the customary rights of the local community should be dealt with first, by issuing certificates, in connection with the MIFEE project that is being developed in the district of Merauke. The land which will be used for planting must be suitable for whatever crops are to be grown there.

The minister was speaking to journalists after flying over the land that will be used for the MIFEE project.

‘I have been closely following the discussions and reports about this projects which have been taking place at the centre. And now, I have come to see things for myself at close range and I have come to the conclusion that the land is very suitable indeed for agricultural production. ‘

He also said that he had received a short account from the Merauke governmental chief about the plans being made for the project, as well as measures for its implementation and land usage. Companies planning to invest can now go ahead to acquire the necessary licences and start planting their crops.

He went on to say that it was now necessary to build the necessary infrastructure, in particular harbours to support the project once it gets underway. For instance, he said, investors who intend to establish palm oil plantations will need harbours of their own.

[COMMENT: The central government will clearly be investing huge sums of money to promote the interests of companies planning to invest in MIFEE. Not at all clear what is meant by issuing certificates to the local communities whose customary rights to the land will be sacrificed as investors are invited to grab their land with little regard for the loss of their livelihoods based on hunting and fishing. No mention either about whether the rightful owners of the land will be granted any compensation for the loss of their land and the destruction of their livelihoods. TAPOL]

More capital assistance for Papuan women, officials promise

Financial help to Papuan businesswomen seriously lacking

The press in Papua has recently reported extensively on the allocation
of OTSUS funds to assist Papuans in their business operations, in
particular Papuan women referred to as ‘mama-mama’

On 11 June 2011, the JUBI tabloid newspaper reported that most of the
allocation of OTSUS funds is concentrated on public infrastructure and
government assets but insufficient attention is being paid to local
Papuan traders, including ‘mama-mama.’ The problem was raised in
particular by the head of the Oadate Major Clan, in the district of
Yapen-Waropen, Yulinus Kowela.

He said that OTSUS funds were being allocated almost entirely to
government officials, the government elite, as he called them.
‘Meanwhile, local Papuan traders and indigenous Papuan women continue to
be impoverished and on the margins, because of the nature of the
development according to OTSUS,’ said Yulinus.

‘For many years, we have been saying that OTSUS funds should be used to
combat poverty and improve the living conditions of indigenous Papuans.
But up to the present day, this hasn’t happened, people are asking about
this, including people living in the interior.’

He said that the allocaton of OTSUS funds should take account of the
fate of indigenous Papuan traders and not just focus on building
infrastructure such as road-building and building bridges in all the
districts. ‘The allocation of OTSIS money should be fairer and be used
to improve the conditions of women traders. They need help to be able to
obtain better facilities for their business activities,’ he said.

On 22 June, JUBI reported that the district chief of Merauke, Romanus
Mbaraka spoke of the need to pay attention to the little people and pay
greater attention to their need for capital. He said that the government
was planning to provide capital to groups of businesses, amounting to Rp
500,000 for each group.

At a ceremony in Gedung Negara, he symbolically handed over the money to
one group of traders. He said that the money was being allocated to
groups of businesses because past experience had shown that this was
better than allocating it to individuals. ‘In this way,’ he said, ‘the
monitoring process can be more easily managed.’

He said that the money was not being allocated for free but the groups
would be expected to repay the money but in this way, the groups would
have greater motivation to run their businesses well.’

‘If a business is successful, its earnings will increase, which means
that the government will be willing to help them again. He also said
that teams will be set up to monitor the businesses run by the women
such as those selling crabs or vegetables. This would motivate the
mama-mama to run their businesses well,’ he said.

[COMMENT: It remains to be seen whether this grand promise will bear
fruit in terms of promoting the economic interests of indigenous Papuans
in their never-ending difficulties to compete with the business acumen
of the thousands of Indonesians who flood into Papua and set up
businesses. TAPOL]

MRP dualism threatens the existence of the Papuan people

Bintang Papua, 23 June 2011

Pastor Jonga: ‘MRP has now become a mechanism for the government’s splitting tactics.’

The controversy about the setting up of an MRP for West Papua had
continued to rumble on and is likely to last for a long time. There are
people who now claim that having two MRPs will threaten the existence
of the indigenous Papuan people.

This was the theme of a seminar held by the Students Executive Council
(BEM) on Wednesday this week.

The controversy emerged when the governor of West Papua, acting on
behalf of the Minister of the Interior, announced the creation of the
West Papua MRP. The seminar was held at the auditorium of the
Cenderawasih University, and was attended by about a hundred people.The
main speakers were Fadhal Alhamid of the Papuan Customary Council (DAP)
and Pastor Jong Jonga, representing the religious community The
moderator was Laus Rumayon.

Fadhal Alhamid said that the danger posed by MRP dualism was that the
standard set for basic human rights of Papuans living in the province
of West Papua would be different from those set in the province of
Papua. In addition, the creation of the West Papua MRP was to promote
certain vested interests, part of a conspiracy between the governor and
the vice-governor of West Papua. ‘The MRP reached an agreement
regarding cultural and economic unity.But if there are now two MRPs,
there is the danger that this unity will disappear.’

He also said that responsibility for creating the second MRP rests with
the MRP itself. ‘We should raise the question of whether they were the
ones responsible for creating the second MRP.’

He also drew attention to the position of people in the leaderhip of
the Papua MRP and the West Papua MRP. ‘The fact that Ibu Dorkas is the
chairman of the Papua MRP and is also the vice-chairman of the West
Papua MRP has led to a great deal of confusion.

The other speaker, Pastor Jong Jonga, dealt more specifically with his
own experiences with congregations living in the district of Keerom. ‘In
my opinion, special autonomy (OTSUS) has failed to provide protection,
tranquillity and security indigenous because its benefits are only
being enjoyed by people living in the vicinity of the district capital.
‘These were precisely the regions where the percentage of indigenous
Papuans is very low as compared to the percentage of newcomers or
migrants.’ What they were hoping for, he said, was that the MRP which
had been intended as a unifying body would now become a means for
splitting the Papuan people.’

During questions and answers that followed the speeches, the students
focused primarily on OTSUS. Many said that OTSUS had become nothing
more than a mechanism to prolong the sufferings of the Papuan people.
OTSUS has become the long arm of the central government. ‘What was
needed now,’ the one questioner said, ‘was for the DPRP to take action
to disband the West Papua MRP.’ Many in the audience shared these views.

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