AWPA calls on Julia Gillard to raise the human rights situation in West Papua on her visit to Indonesia
The Australian Prime Minister will visit Indonesia on the 1 and 2 November to discuss ways to further strengthen the bilateral relationship and increase cooperation across a number of economic, security, development and environmental challenges.
Joe collins of AWPA said “in light of the recent reports of torture of West Papuans we are calling on the Prime Minister to raise the human rights situation in West Papua with the Indonesian President.
We are also calling on the Prime Minister to send a parliamentary delegation on a fact finding mission to West Papua to investigate the human rights situation in the territory”.
AWPA has regularly raised concerns that any aid or training given to the military could be used against the West Papuan people and we again urge the Prime Minister to put a moratorium on the training, funding and any ties between the Australian military and any Indonesian units found to have been involved in human rights abuses.
Although the Indonesian military said they would investigate the incident we believe a full independent inquiry held by a relevant United Nations human rights organisation will be the only
inquiry
acceptable
to the West Papuan people and are urging the Prime Minister to call for such an inquiry.
Info. Joe Collins Mob. 04077 857 97
————————————–
Australia West Papua Association (Sydney)
PO Box 28, Spit Junction, Sydney, Australia 2088
Email: bunyip@bigpond.net.au
The Hon Julia Gillard MP
Prime Minister
Parliament House
Canberra
ACT 2600
25 October 2010
Dear Prime Minister,
On behalf of the Australia West Papua Association (Sydney), I am writing to you concerning your coming trip to Indonesia on the 1 and 2 November. AWPA would like you to raise the human rights situation in West Papua[1] during your talks with President Yudhoyono
I am sure you are aware of the recent media reports on the torture of West Papuans by the Indonesian military in the Puncak Jaya region of West Papua. The torture of the West Papuans by the Indonesian military was captured on video and shows in one scene a Papuan man having a plastic bag forced over his head and screaming in pain as a burning stick is held to his genitals. The horrific video has been seen around the world and rightly condemned. The Indonesian military has confirmed that members of the TNI did torture the West Papuans.
Just days after the release of the video another report surfaced of the burning of Bigiragi village, in the Puncak Jaya district by officers from the police’s Mobile Brigade. An official from the Papuan Customary Council (DAP) told the Jakarta Globe he had received graphic images of the destruction of Bigiragi village.
These incidents of human rights abuses committed by the Indonesian security forces are unfortunately not unusual and reports of the Indonesian security forces conducting military operations looking for the OPM in the Puncak Jaya region have been ongoing for years leaving the local people in fear and traumatised.
We understand that the whole island of New Guinea will always be strategically important to Australia and it is in the interests of the Australian Government to have a stable region to our north. However, in West Papua, the policies of the Indonesian Government, compounded by the actions of the Indonesian security forces will lead to the very instability the Australian Government is trying to avoid. Although Indonesia has made great progress towards democracy in recent years, unfortunately this has not translated to an improvement in the human rights situation in West Papua as the above incidents show.
AWPA and other civil society organizations have written regularly to Australian Governments over many years about our country’s ties with the Indonesian military. We have recently written to you concerning the torture of peaceful activists in Maluku. We have raised concerns that any aid or training given to the military could be used against the West Papuan people and we again urge you to put a moratorium on the training, funding and any ties between the Australian military and any Indonesian units found to have been involved in human rights abuses.
Although the Indonesian military said they would investigate the incident we believe a full independent inquiry held by a relevant United Nations human rights organisation will be the only inquiry acceptable to the West Papuan people and urge you to call for such an inquiry. We also urge you to send an Australian parliamentary delegation on a fact finding mission to West Papua to investigate the human rights situation in the
territory.
Yours sincerely
Joe Collins
Secretary
AWPA (Sydney)
[1] AWPA (Sydney) uses the name “West Papua” to refer to the whole of the western half of the Island of New Guinea. “West Papua” at this time is divided into two provinces, Papua and West Papua.
AWPA calls on the Australian Government to hold an inquiry into how our military aid and training is being used by the Indonesian security forces
In September the Indonesian counter terrorism unit Detachment 88 was accused of the torture of activists in Maluku and now footage has shown the torture of Papuans in the Puncak Jaya region of West Papua by the Indonesian Security Forces.
Joe Collins of AWPA said “how does the Australian military and the Government justify training these people? In light of these reports it’s time for the Government to hold an inquiry into how our aid and training is being used by the Indonesian security forces.”
“Any idea that somehow the professionalism of the Australian military will rub off on the Indonesian security Forces is now shown to be a failure. What psychological cost is there for our troops knowing they may have trained with these people “?
West Papuan human rights workers have obtained a series of mobile phone videos of brutal acts of torture on two West Papuan priests. Indonesian security forces, most likely troops from the Kostrad battalion 754 based at Nabire, filmed the torture March 17 2010 at a road bridge near Tingginambut, Puncak Jaya, in the midst of a still ongoing military operation.
This disturbing video shows hooded members of an Indonesian security team, believed to be members of Kostrad battalion 753 from Nabire, kicking, punching, poking with bayonets, terrorising, and brutalising both detainees.
Perhaps the most brutal scenes are where the old man, believed to be a priest of the indigenous Kingmi Church, the Reverend Kindeman Gire, is repeatedly held down while soldiers deliberately burn his penis with a burning stick.
Westpapuamedia.info is working together with a joint team of media and international human rights workers to verify all the facts around this video. It had been released prematurely by external sources, so the facts are still being confirmed. Investigators are still conducting forensic analysis of the original source files to determine the full identity of the mobile phone that was used to film these abuses, and if it is connected to other videos recently received (to be published).
The two victims spoke in Bahasa Indonesia and Lani. It is believed that the main victim is Rev. Kindeman Gire who was killed in March 2010. The younger man is believed by local investigators to be Reverend Pltinius Kogoya
westpapuamedia.info is presenting the full UNEDITED video on the torture. Please click on the link below (opens in new window) WARNING: THIS FOOTAGE IS HIGHLY DISTURBING AND GRAPHIC.
The above link, is for a QuickTime version of the film, for play or download.
To play it, you may need to install the QuickTime Player, from: www.apple.com/quicktime/download/
This is the situation in Puncak Jaya so please could you add because this is very important message from elder in Tingginambut.
Indonesia Military Kill Rev Kindeman Gire.
HUMAN RIGHTS ABUSE REPORT
Special Report on Piron Moribnak, Puncak Jaya
I. Rev . Kindeman Gire shot dead by Indonesia Soldier .
At 3:00 o’clock in the afternoon, Wednesday, 17th March, 2010
Location: the Tingginambut district Kalome Puncak Jaya Regency
Chronology:
Rev. Gire Kindeman was shot dead by TNI. Kideman was a Servant of the Lord
as Church Pastor to the GIDI Toragi district in Tingginambut.
On Wednesday, 17th March, 2010.
A week ago[RP1] , the victim was [arranging] with the community to send money via Air Gire to Wamena in order to buy 15 litres of gasoline for the purpose of [accessing] timber to support building the church.
Air [Gire] sent news to the victim to watch the road because he would be sending this gasoline in transport which would pass by the area and he [did not want the driver to miss their meeting point and go too far], that’s why. The plan was that the victim would get the message to watch the road.
At the same time another reverend, named Pltinius Kogoya, was carrying an amount of money to a driver, Ekstrada, to buy cooking oil in Wamena [and requested] if he was returning to Puncak Jaya [also] to carry [his order] with the same expectation mentioned above [namely, that a person would meet him along the road] – so that he himself (Rev. Kogoya) would wait along the road to collect his order – which would be carried from Wamena by another driver with the [alias] Yakop, from Toraja, who was already well acquainted with Rev. Kogoya.
As this was happening, the victim Rev. Kindeman reached the road first to await his package. Just then TNI Yonif 756 arrived from the Ilu district and met with the victim and asked him intimidating questions like,
“Do you know Gorobak?” or “Have you seen Gorobak?
[He] didn’t know what was meant by “Gorobok” [but] then the victim answered him, “I know[RP2] ”
“Then, where do you live?”
“in Kalome,” the victim answered.
The next thing that happened was the military opened a ‘magazine’ and then pulled out a bullet and poked him with it and asked the victim,
“Do you know what this is? Are you storing any in your house? Do you have a stash in your house?
The victim smiled [?] mixed with fear because the bullet was poking at him. These questions became more repetitious . And this is how [we came to hear] the testimony about the victim, Rev. Kindeman, by the servant of the Lord, Rev. Kogoya. Earlier, while waiting for his package, it seems he too got caught by this military group, and they asked him:
“What are you looking for?”
Rev. Kogoya answered, “…ah… I gave a sum of money to a driver when he left to go to Wamena to buy cooking oil. So I have come to look out for his car [to return]; which is [supposed] to enter here from Wamena [direction].”
The questions that followed were:
“Do you know bullets? Do you know [of any] weapons? Where is OPM hiding? ”
H[e] pointed, “That place at the side of the hill, we usually hear them there. “
By that time it was already 3:30. Victim and testifier were parted 2 or 3 meters from one another then they interrogated/tortured both of them in two separate groups until 5 in the evening. The torture they experienced was severe to the point that their faces were swollen and bruised black. At the time of 5 in the evening, according to the testimony of Rev. Kogoya, he was forced by another military to stand alone on a high spot he then leaped off onto a lower step, tripping on a member who wasn’t standing straight (lying across the stair), making like a termite and crawling into the bush to escape while […[RP3] ].
After that the victim, named Rev. Kindeman was shot with a weapon 2 times.
From the day of the shooting until this report came to us, we have never found the body. The community largely suspects it is possible the TNI mutilated (cut into pieces) the victim’s body and put it in a bag and threw it into the Tinggin River or in the Yamo River, or even possibly in the Gurai Reiver – or maybe they [just] burnt it.
II. Action against Pembantain civilians continues
On the same date, i.e. Wednesday night, March 17th, 2010, The TNI that had held operations from the direction of Kalome earlier, continued to head for the capital district of Tingginambut, there is one lumbuk honai house (meeting house of elders?) in the area and a group of people were sleeping there and they were surrounded by the same
military personnel after they had shot Rev. Kideman at 5 in the evening the day before. In the morning at 5 am on Thursday 18th of March, 2010 they surrounded all residents that were present at that honai [meeting house]; in total 13 people. Not one of them escaped: all were captured and tortured. They suffered a severe torture; much worse, more than […[RP4] ] so that they waited for their time to die because they were kicked and stepped on, they were thrashed around with the ends of guns and bayonet knives.
The name of the victims names are as follows:
1. Garundinggen Morib, 45 years
2. Ijokone Tabuni, 35 years
3. Etiles Tabuni 24 years
4. Meiles Wonda, 30 years
5. Tabuni Jigunggup, 46 years
6. Nekiler Tabuni 25 Years
7. Blue Tabuni 51 Year Old Man, Position as It ill Severe Malaria
8. Tiraik Morib, 29 years
9. Yakiler Wonda, 34 years
10. Tekius Wonda, 20 years
11. Neriton Wonda, 19 years
12. Yuli Wonda, 23 Years
13. Stools Tabuni 42 Years
Until today the condition is very precarious. And until we received this report it has been difficult to get a picture because, of course, [moments where the] conditions are safe are hard to come by.
III. Enditi Tabuni has been shot
Chronology of the shooting.
Enditi Tabuni was the daughter-in-law of Rev. Yason Wonda, Vice Chairman of
Honor Victims GIDI. The victim was the wife of Rev. Yason’s first son.
At around 4 pm in the afternoon, on Monday 23rd March, 2010 a gun shots occurred from amongst the TNI
from Yonif 753 units in charge of the Puncak District Senjum Mulia Post,
capital of Puncak Jaya. Open fire broke out with members of TPN / OPM at
the cement [stream/canal] or around the Wulundan canals area. [And, lasting] until 7 pm, was the sound of
guns which made the residents of the Mulia capital panic – particularly the Wondenggobak church community and [those] in the area located around Puncak Senyum. People fled and slept in the forest.
From 7 pm till 8 pm a combing took place until the limits of the PT.Moderen WIDYA TEKNICAL area [were cornered-off].
At about 8 or 9 at night, as the operation continued to be carried out well into the night, the party apparatus took a detour to comb and shoot resident’s houses in Wondenggobak Village. Like
Blind Pigs], the above mentioned shot a sleeping mother in her home, then they released shots from outside her door and they blasted her knees. She was carried to Mulia Public hospital but she still needs her [now infected] knees to heal. It is possible her legs will heal, [but] if not her legs will have to be amputated (chopped off) and it is possible the poor victim will die. At the time this report was being sent, the victim was still being hospitalized in Jaya Pura. And that, you see, is the character and model of the NKRI Aparatus; which has the mentality of prawn crackers so that even a woman is shot. Or maybe they were slaughtered like Blind Pigs.
Your Honor, March 24, 2010
Accurate reporting
Puncak jaya Piron Moribnak
[RP1]It says a week before but in the context I think this makes more sense
[RP2]This does not make sense, he should have said “I don’t know” I wonder if the person made a mistake in the account here?
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS
U.S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20515
SUBCOMMITTEE ON ASIA, THE PACIFIC AND THE GLOBAL ENVIRONMENT
ENI F.H. FALEOMAVAEGA (D-AS)
CHAIRMAN
STATEMENT OF
THE HONORABLE ENI F.H. FALEOMAVAEGA
BEFORE THE SUBCOMMITTE
“Crimes Against Humanity: When Will Indonesia’s Military Be Held
Accountable for Deliberate and Systematic Abuses in West Papua?”
September 22, 2010
To my knowledge, today’s hearing is historic. This hearing is the
first hearing ever held in the U.S. Congress that gives voice to the
people of West Papua.
Since 1969, the people of West Papua have been deliberately and
systematically subjected to slow-motion genocide by Indonesian
military forces yet Indonesia declares that the issue is an internal
matter while the U.S. Department of State “recognizes and respects the
territorial integrity of Indonesia.” The truth is, this is no issue
of territorial integrity or an internal matter, and the record is
clear on this point.
West Papua was a former Dutch colony for some 100 years just as East
Timor was a former Portuguese colony just as Indonesia was a former
colony of the Netherlands. Because of its status as a former colony,
East Timor achieved its independence from Indonesia in 2002 through a
referendum sanctioned by the United Nations (UN), despite Indonesia’s
serious objections over East Timor’s right to self-determination.
In contrast, in 1962 the United States pressured the Dutch to turn
over control of West Papua to the United Nations. Under the
U.S.-brokered deal, Indonesia was to “make arrangements with the
assistance and participation of the United Nations” to give Papuans an
opportunity to determine whether they wished to become part of
Indonesia or not.
In what became known as the Act of No Choice carried out in 1969, 1025
West Papua elders under heavy military surveillance were selected to
vote on behalf of 809,327 West Papuans regarding the territory’s
political status. In spite of serious violations of the UN Charter
and no broad-based referendum, West Papua was forced to become a part
of Indonesia by the barrel of a gun.
According to the Congressional Research Service (CRS), “declassified
documents released in July 2004 indicate that the United States
supported Indonesia’s take-over of Papua in the lead up to the 1969
Act of Free Choice even as it was understood that such a move was
likely unpopular with Papuans. The documents reportedly indicate that
the United States estimated that between 85% and 90% of Papuans were
opposed to Indonesian rule and that as a result the Indonesians were
incapable of winning an open referendum at the time of Papua’s
transition from Dutch colonial rule. Such steps were evidently
considered necessary to maintain the support of Suharto’s Indonesia
during the Cold War.”
Bluntly put, in exchange for Suharto’s anti-communist stance, the
United States expended the hopes and dreams and lives of some 100,000
Papuans who consequently died as a result of Indonesian military rule.
Although some challenge this estimate it is an indisputable fact that
Indonesia has deliberately and systematically committed crimes against
humanity and has yet to be held accountable.
While I have expressed my concern that there is strong indication that
the Indonesian government has committed genocide against the Papuans,
I am disappointed that the U.S. Department of State requested that I
omit the word ‘genocide’ in the initial title I put forward for this
hearing. The State Department requested a change in title based on
the assertion that ‘genocide’ is a legal term.
Article 2 of the 1948 United Nations Convention on the Prevention and
Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (CPPCG) defines genocide as "any
of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in
part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group: killing members
of the group; causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the
group; deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life
calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in
part; imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group;
forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.”
This definition of genocide under international law accurately
describes the crimes against humanity perpetrated by Indonesia’s
military, whether the U.S. State Department agrees or not. But given
U.S. complicity, it is little wonder that every Administration wishes
to distance itself from this ugliness.
As Joseph Conrad wrote in his book The Heart of Darkness, “The
conquest of the earth, which mostly means the taking it away from
those who have a different complexion or slightly flatter noses than
ourselves, is not a pretty thing when you look into it too much.”
When you look into it too much, nothing about Indonesia’s ruthless
brutality or U.S. complicity is a pretty thing. In 2007, I led a
Congressional Delegation (CODEL) to Indonesia on the personal promise
of President SBY and Vice President Kalla that I would be granted 5
days to visit Biak, Manokwari, and, most importantly, Jayapura, in
support of efforts to implement special autonomy that was approved by
the government of Indonesia since 2001.
However, while enroute to Jakarta, I received word that the Indonesian
government would only grant 3 days for my visit. Upon my arrival on
November 25, 2007, I was informed that I would be granted only 1 day
and that I would not be allowed to visit Jayapura. As it played out,
I was granted 2 hours in Biak and 10 minutes in Manokwari.
In Biak, I met with Governor Suebu, and other traditional, religious
and local leaders hand-selected by the government. Other Papuans,
like Chief Tom Beanal and Mr. Willie Mandowen were detained by the
military until my office interceded. U.S. Ambassador Cameron Hume and
I also had to make our way through a military barricade because
Indonesia military forces (TNI) had blocked Papuans from meeting with
me. For the record, I am submitting photos showing the excessive
presence of military force.
In Manokwari, the military presence was even worse. Prior to my
arrival in Manokwari, I was told that I would be meeting with the
Governor only to learn upon my arrival that he was in China and had
been there for the past 5 days. Ten minutes later, I was put on a
plane while the TNI, in full riot gear, forcefully kept the Papuans
from meaningful dialogue. At this time, I would like to share with my
colleagues some video tape of my visit in 2007.
After this experience and upon my return to Washington, I wrote to
President SBY expressing my disappointment but Jakarta never responded
to my letter of December 12, 2007. On March 5, 2008, Chairman Donald
Payne of the Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Africa joined with me in
sending another letter to President SBY which expressed our deep
concern about Indonesia’s misuse of military force. We included
photographs and a DVD of my experience while in Biak and Manokwari.
Again, Jakarta did not bother to reply.
On March 5, 2008, Chairman Payne and I also wrote to U.S. Secretary
of Defense Robert Gates and included a copy of our letter to President
SBY as well as the DVD and photographs. Despite the serious concerns
we raised about Indonesia’s failure to live up to its promises to
allow Members of Congress access to Jayapura and our request to
restrict funding to train Indonesia’s military forces, his reply of
April 2, 2008 was trite and indifferent, as if West Papua is of no
consequence. He concluded his letter by erroneously stating, “TNI
performance on human rights has improved dramatically.” Copies of
these letters as well as the photographs and DVD are included for the
record.
Copies of our materials which we sent on March 6, 2008 to the House
Committee on Foreign Affairs, the Senate Committee on Foreign
Relations, the House and Senate Appropriations Subcommittees on State
and Foreign Operations, the House Appropriations Subcommittee on
Defense, and the Congressional Black Caucus are also included.
In March 2005, Chairman Payne and I wrote to Secretary General Kofi
Annan asking for a review of the United Nations’ conduct in West
Papua. 35 other Members of Congress from the Congressional Black
Caucus signed the joint letter and I am also submitting this letter
for the record.
This year, Chairman Payne and I once more spearheaded an effort
calling upon President Obama to deal fairly with the people of West
Papua and to meet with the Team of 100 indigenous Papuan leaders
during his upcoming visit to Indonesia. Although our letter of June
9, 2010 was signed by 50 Members of the U.S. Congress, the U.S.
Department of State could not be bothered to send us a thoughtful
reply. Instead, we received a dismissive letter of August 11, 2010
signed by the Assistant Secretary of Legislative Affairs rather than
the U.S. Secretary of State which sends a clear signal that this
Administration may not be any different than any other in its response
to addressing our grave concerns about West Papua. As a matter of
record, I am including these letters.
Also, I am including a video that due to its sensitive subject matter
I cannot and will not show. The video depicts the violent murder of a
Papuan who was killed and gutted by the Indonesian Special Police
Corp, or Brigade Mobil (BRIMOB), while the victim was still alive and
pleading for someone to kill him in order to put him out of his
misery. This isn’t the only murder. The late Papuan leader Theys
Hiyo Eluay was also savagely murdered, and the list of lost lives goes
on and on.
As Chairman of this Subcommittee, I have been very, very patient.
Yes, I realize the importance of the U.S.-Indonesia relationship.
Indonesia is the most populous Muslim-majority nation in the world and
the U.S. has a strong interest in reaching out to the Islamic world.
But our own struggle against Islamist militancy should not come at the
expense of the pain and killing and suffering of the people of West
Papua. This is not the America I know.
We can and must do better. In his statement before the UN against
Apartheid, Nelson Mandela said, “It will forever remain an accusation
and challenge to all men and women of conscience that it took so long
as it has before all of us stood up to say enough is enough.” This is
how I feel about West Papua.
It is my sincere hope that today’s hearing will help us find a way
forward. So far, Indonesia has failed miserably to implement Special
Autonomy and, as a result, there is a sense of growing frustration
among the Papuans, and rightfully so. According to CRS, “migration by
non-Melanesian Indonesians from elsewhere in the nation appears to be
a critical part of the mounting tensions. By some accounts Melanesian
Papuans will be in the minority in their homeland by 2015.”
While there is so much more I want to say about the commercial
exploitation of West Papua’s renowned mineral wealth which includes
vast reserves of gold, copper, nickel, oil and gas and Freeport USA’s
own shameful role in this exploitation, I will address these issues in
my questioning of our witnesses.
In conclusion, I want to thank Edmund McWilliams, a retired U.S.
Senior Foreign Service Officer, who has been a long-time advocate for
the people of West Papua. Mr. McWilliams was unable to be with us
today but he has submitted testimony for the record which will be
included.
I also want to welcome our Papuan leaders who have flown at
considerable expense to testify before this Subcommittee. I presume
none flew at the expense of the Indonesian government but we will find
out during these proceedings. Most of the Papuan leaders who are with
us today have lived the struggle. Others have only recently returned
after living in Sweden for some 38 years. They have since returned
home and reclaimed Indonesian citizenship but I am unclear as to their
role in a struggle they have given up or never fully lived. I hope we
will be provided an explanation.
For now, I recognize my good friend, the Ranking Member, for any
opening statement he may wish to make.
Joe Yun
Deputy Assistant Secretary for East Asian and Pacific Affairs
Statement Before the House Foreign Affairs Committee Subcommittee on Asia, the Pacific and the Global Environment
Washington, DC
September 22, 2010
Chairman Faleomavaega, Mr. Manzullo, and Members of the Subcommittee, thank you for inviting me to testify today on the situation in Papua.
U.S. Policy
Developments affecting Papua, which includes the Indonesian provinces of Papua and West Papua, are closely followed by the Department of State and represent an important aspect of our overall relations with Indonesia. The United States recognizes and respects the territorial integrity of Indonesia within its current borders and does not support or condone separatism in Papua, or in any other part of the country. At the same time, we strongly support respect for universal human rights within Indonesia, including the right of peaceful assembly, free expression of political views, and the fair and non-discriminatory treatment of ethnic Papuans within Indonesia.
Within this context, we have consistently encouraged the Indonesian government to work with the indigenous Papuan population to address their grievances, resolve conflicts peacefully, and support development and good governance in the Papuan provinces. The Administration believes the full implementation of the 2001 Special Autonomy Law for Papua, which emerged as part of Indonesia’s democratic transition, would help resolve long-standing grievances. We continue to encourage the Indonesian government to work with Papuan authorities to discuss ways to empower Papuans and further implement the Special Autonomy provisions, which grant greater authority to Papuans to administer their own affairs. Human Rights
Advancing human rights is one of our primary foreign policy objectives not only in Indonesia, but also throughout the world. We believe that respect for human rights helps to strengthen democracy. We want to see the right of peaceful, free expression of political views and freedom of association observed throughout the world, including in Papua.
We monitor allegations of human rights violations in Papua and West Papua, and we report on them in the annual Country Report on Human Rights. With the growth of democracy over the past decade in Indonesia, there has been substantial improvement in respect for human rights, although there remain credible concerns about human rights violations. The improvement includes Papua, although, as our annual reporting has documented, there continues to be some credible allegations of abuse. We regularly engage the Government of Indonesia on the importance of respect for human rights by security forces, and we continue to emphasize our strong support for an open and transparent legal system to look into any claims of excessive use of force. We also urge them to increase accountability for past human rights abuses. We deplore violence committed by armed groups, including in Papua, against civilians and government security forces.
It is critical that independent and objective observers have unrestricted access to Papua in order to monitor developments. At present, Indonesian journalists, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), and Indonesian citizens may travel freely to Papua and West Papua. However, the Indonesian government requires that foreign journalists, NGOs, diplomats, and parliamentarians obtain permission to visit Papua. We continue to encourage the Indonesian government to give these groups, including the International Committee of the Red Cross, full and unfettered access to Papua and West Papua.
Papuans are Indonesian citizens and are free to travel to other parts of Indonesia.
Demographic Shifts
Migration from other parts of Indonesia has increased the number of non-Papuan residents to about 40 percent of the current population in Papua and West Papua. The total population of both provinces is 2.4 million, of which 900,000 are migrants. Past government-sponsored transmigration programs, which moved households from more densely populated areas to less populated regions, account for part of the influx. The majority of the population shift has resulted from natural migration trends from Indonesia’s large population centers to Papua where there is relatively low population density. Some Papuans have voiced concerns that the migrants have interfered with their traditional ways of life, land usage, and economic opportunities.
Economic Development
Although the region is rich in natural resources, including gold, copper, natural gas, and timber, Papua lags behind other parts of Indonesia in some key development indicators. Poverty is widespread in Papua and Papua has the lowest level of adult literacy in Indonesia at 74 percent. The region also has a disproportionately high number of HIV/AIDS cases compared with the rest of Indonesia and high rates of infant and maternal mortality.
According to the World Bank, the two greatest challenges to economic development are Papua’s topography and climate—great distances between towns, steep mountains, swampy lowlands, fragile soils, and heavy seasonal rainfall—and its social structure—low population density and cultural fragmentation.
Special Autonomy
Indonesia’s parliament in 2001 granted Special Autonomy to Papua, which, along with Aceh, was one of the two areas in Indonesia that harbored high-profile separatist movements. This law devolved to provincial and local authorities all government functions outside of five national competencies; defense, foreign affairs, religious affairs, justice, and monetary/fiscal policy.
The Special Autonomy Law has not been fully implemented in Papua. Implementation has been delayed due to lack of implementing regulations. In addition, the provincial governments have lacked the capacity to take on certain key responsibilities and some central government ministries have yet to cede their authorities. Although full implementation of Special Autonomy has not yet been realized, Indonesian government officials point to increased funding to Papua, which has totaled Rp 27 trillion or approximately US$3 billion in the past nine years, higher per capita than any other area in Indonesia. The Special Autonomy Law created the Papuan People’s Council (MRP) to protect Papuan culture. Recently, the MRP rejected Special Autonomy, symbolically handing Special Autonomy back to Indonesian authorities. This action had no practical legal effect, but it did highlight the need for increased dialogue between Papua and Jakarta to resolve the region’s outstanding differences.
We continue to encourage the Indonesian government and the provincial governments of Papua and West Papua to fully implement the Special Autonomy Law. This would include the promulgation of implementing regulations for all provisions of the law, central government action to ensure that provincial or local laws take precedence in areas of delegated authority, and actions to increase the capacity for development and good governance. We believe that full implementation would help to address Papuans’ grievances against the central government. Dialogue between central authorities and the indigenous Papuan population could facilitate full implementation of Special Autonomy, and result in actions that would support development and boost good governance in Papua.
U.S. Assistance
The United States is working in partnership with the government of Indonesia and the provincial governments of Papua and West Papua to find ways to address the key developmental challenges of Papua, including increasing good governance, access to quality healthcare and education, and protecting the environment. The United States Agency for International Development (USAID) implements programs in Papua to foster improvements in these sectors with activities that total $11.6 million, or 7 percent of USAID’s budget for Indonesia for fiscal year 2010.
In addition to USAID programs, the Department of State also brings Papuans to the United States for thematic engagement on issues such as resource distribution. Our Fulbright programs have had over 22 grantees from Papua. We also partner with the private sector to leverage resources. For example, in a public-private partnership, the Fulbright-Freeport Scholarship Program has funded 18 individuals from Papua for study in the United States.
Embassy Jakarta maintains a vigorous schedule of engagement with Papua and West Papua. U.S. Mission officers routinely travel to the provinces. Ambassador Marciel, who arrived at post in mid-August, plans to travel to Papua soon after he presents his credentials to the Indonesian government. Officers maintain a wide base of contacts concerning Papua, including central and provincial government officials, human rights activists, military and police personnel, traditional and religious leaders, and NGO staff. In addition to official meetings, Embassy officers conduct regular public outreach in Papua and West Papua.
Conclusion
In closing, I would like to emphasize that Papua plays an important role in our sustained engagement with the Government of Indonesia. While Indonesia’s overall human rights situation has improved along with the country’s rapid democratic development, we are concerned by allegations of human rights violations in Papua and continuously monitor the situation there. We urge increased dialogue between the central government and Papuan leaders and the full implementation of the Special Autonomy Law. We will continue to provide assistance to build a strong economic and social foundation in Papua.
Thank you for giving me the opportunity to testify before you today. I am pleased to answer your questions.
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