AHRC: Jayapura city district police and military arbitrarily torture and arrest Papuan civilians



Urgent Appeal Case: AHRC-UAC-202-2011

11 October 2011
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INDONESIA: Jayapura city district police and military arbitrarily torture and arrest Papuan civilians

ISSUES: Indigenous people; military, police violence; ill-treatment and torture; right to fair trial
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Dear friends,

The Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) has received information regarding the arbitrary arrest and torture of 15 Papuan villagers, including several minors, in Horas Skyline village, Jayapura, Papua, committed by a joint team of Jayapura city district police and Cenderawasih military area command on 31 August 2011. Until now, there is no investigation into the incident.

CASE NARRATIVE:

According to information received from Persekutuan Gereja-Gereja Baptis Papua (The Fellowship of Baptist Churches of Papua), Koalisi Masyarakat Sipil Untuk Penegakan Hukum dan HAM di Papua (Civil Society Coalition to Uphold Law and Human Rights in Papua) and other activists, on 31 August 2011 at 5am, around 115 members of a joint team of Jayapura city district police (POLRESTA) and Cenderawasih military area command raided Papuan villagers in Horas Skyline village, Abepura district, Jayapura, Papua. All of the team members had guns and long barreled rifles, and some of them were wearing a black mask. When they were some 300 meters from the targeted houses, the team shot at the houses seven times.

(left: Siki Kogoya/ source: The Fellowship of Baptist Churches of Papua)

Siki Kogoya, a villager who was in his yard at the time, was shocked upon hearing the gunshot, after which he saw the joint team members make their way to him. One of the members pointed his gun at Siki’s mouth, while three others pointed their long barreled rifles at his neck. They then beat him with rifle butts and kicked his head, face, ribs and chest. Siki was ordered to lie face down on the ground, while the officers continued pointing their weapons at him and asked him questions regarding the location of Panius Kogoya, Etra Yanengga, and Arman Kogoya, and whether he knows Danny Kogoya. This was related to their involvement in a shooting accident in Nafri on 1 August 2011, and the killing of a taxi driver and burning of his taxi in Skyline on 6 July 2011.

(right: Panius Kogoya/source: The Fellowship of Baptist Churches of Papua)

At the same time, other joint team members went to Biben Kogoya (the neighbourhood leader)’s small house (this small house is separated from Biben Kogoya’s main house and is usually used by the community for worship, discussion or meeting) and raided it. The officers then brought 14 villagers (three of whom were sick), randomly picked up from the village, to Biben’s yard, ordered them to lie down and forced them to see the sun rise without blinking. The officers humiliated, kicked, beat and pointed their guns at the victims. The officers asked the victims who among them were Danny Kogoya, Panius Kogoya, Ekimar Kogoya, Etra Yanengga and Gidi Wenda, and forced them to disclose the location of Panius Kogoya, Ekimar Kogoya, and Etra Yanengga, and whether they know Danny Kogoya.

(left: Panius Kogoya/source: The Fellowship of Baptist Churches of Papua)

Being the neighbourhood leader, Biben had learnt from the urban village head (LURAH, an administrative leader for the regency/city area), that members of the regional Papua police (POLDA) and Jayapura city district police would raid his house. He did not expect to be beaten however. The joint team members placed a photo of the killed soldier in Nafri into a photo album at Biben’s house, then they showed it to him and forced him to admit that he was the killer.

Subsequently, Biben was dragged to an empty house which had been ransacked by the joint team members. There was a hole at the house, with bullets and papers around it. Biben was threatened with death if he did not admit that these belonged to him. When Biben refused to admit this, the officers dragged him towards the hole and tried to push him in. Biben managed to avoid falling in, but the joint team members then dragged him to another room. There, at the left corner, the officers ordered Biben to dig a hole while pointing a gun at him. Biben felt they would kill and bury him, and he tried to escape. He was caught and brought to his yard, where the other victims were held.

At 6:30pm Metius Kogoya, a Christian clergyman, heard of the news and at 9:30pm he came to the location where the victims were being held. There, he was asked by the joint team members to name all the victims. When he named Ekimar, the officers immediately beat and dragged him to an empty yard, where he was beaten repeatedly and forced to name another killer. Finally Ekimar named Panius, as a result of which Panius was also dragged to the yard and beaten together with Ekimar. Metius then sat with the other victims in solidarity. He observed the victims being humiliatiated and beaten for eight hours, until 1pm.

While the victims were being beaten and interrogated, other joint team members were raiding Biben Kogoya’s house for documents that could be used as evidence. They seized ‘weapons’ such as traditional arrows, a chopper, a knife. In the backyard, one officer shot a hole through a frying pan, stating, “With this frying pan, you cooked and gave food to members of the Free Papua Movement (OPM).” The joint team members also raided other victims’ houses.

Furthermore, the joint team also asked Novi Kogoya alias Pia (7 years) to answer where was the gun hidden by her parents. Even though Novi Kogoya anwered that she did not know, they kept repeating the question.

Approximately at 1pm, the chief of regional police (KAPOLDA) of Papua and the chief of Jayapura city district police (KAPOLRESTA) came to Biben’s yard and ordered the joint team members to stop their assault. Then the victims were brought to the Jayapura city district police headquarters and interrogated as witnesses of the Nafri and Skyline killings. In violation of articles 17 and 38 of the Indonesian criminal procedure law, the joint team officers did not show any arrest and seizure warrant when arresting the victims. The police officers also did not inform the victims of their rights and interrogated them without legal counsel in violation of articles 51 and 54.

The Jayapura police officers threatened to kill Ekimar and Panius if they did not confess to being the killers in the Nafri and Skyline incidents. As a result, the two victims made statements that they were the killers. Ekimar is a minor, and his rights were violated by being interrogated and detained in the same manner as an adult.

The police completed their interrogation of the victims at 11pm, excluding Ekimar and Panius, who were considered as suspects of manslaughter, murder, and violence under articles 338, 340 and 170.1 of the criminal code. The victims were taken to a prison truck and not given food until the following morning.

On the next day, September 1, at 11:40am, a representative from the national human rights commission in Papua, the Baptist church of Papua and several human rights activists came to the Jayapura city district police headquarters to see the victims. After several complaints submitted to the police and due to insufficient proof, the police released all the victims except Ekimar and Panius at around 3pm. The 13 victims are presently suffering from trauma and cannot conduct their daily activities as usual.

On September 3, at 9am, the Jayapura district police gave arrest and detention warrants to the families of Ekimar and Panius in violation of articles 17 and 21.1 of the Indonesian criminal procedure law.

SUGGESTED ACTION:
Please write letters to the authorities listed below asking them to intervene in the case immediately to ensure that all perpetrators are brought to justice in accordance with international human rights norms.

Please be informed that the AHRC is also sending letters to the Special Rapporteur on the rights of indigenous people, the working group on arbitrary detention, and the Special Rapporteur on torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, calling for their intervention into this matter.

To support this appeal, please click here:

SAMPLE LETTER:

Dear ___________,

INDONESIA: Jayapura city district police and military arbitrarily arrest and torture Papuan civilians

Name of victims: Siki Kogoya (male, 23 years, student), Tinus Wenda (male, 40, entrepreneur), Yeskiel Wenda (male, 23, student), Arinus Wenda (male, 25, student), Nusman Kogoya (male, 18, student), Manianus Kogoya (male, 23, student), Mis Kogoya (male, 25, student), Yawenus Kogoya (male, 21, student), Budi Kogoya (male,15, student), Demias Kogoya (male, 16, student), Biben Kogoya (male, 34, neighbourhood leader), Metius Kogoya (male, 34, Christian clergy), Uwen Kogoya (male, 26, student), Painus Kogoya (male, 23, student), Ekimas alias Ekimar Kogoya (male, 16, student)
Name of alleged perpetrators: Officers of the Jayapura city dictrict police, members of the joint team of Jayapura city district police and military who arbitrarily arrested, threatened and tortured the victims
Date of incident: 31 August 2011
Place of incident: Horas Skyline village, Abepura district, Jayapura, Papua

I am writing to voice my deep concern at the arbitrary arrest and torture of 15 Papuan civilians, including several minors, in Horas Skyline village, Abepura district, Jayapura, Papua, by the joint team of Jayapura city district police and Cenderawasih military area command on 31 August 2011.

I have learnt that on 31 August 2011 at 5am, around 115 members of the joint team of Jayapura city district police and Cenderawasih military area command raided the villagers’ homes. All of the team members had guns and long barreled rifles, and some of them were wearing a black mask. When they were some 300 meters from the targeted houses, the team shot at the houses seven times.

Siki Kogoya, a villager who was in his yard at the time, was shocked upon hearing the gunshot, after which he saw the joint team members make their way to him. One of the members pointed his gun at Mr. Kogoya’s mouth, while three others pointed their long barreled rifles at his neck. They then beat him with rifle butts and kicked his head, face, ribs and chest. Mr. Kogoya was ordered to lie face down on the ground, while the officers continued pointing their weapons at him and asked him questions regarding the location of Panius Kogoya, Etra Yanengga, and Arman Kogoya, and whether Mr. Kogoya knows Danny Kogoya. This was related to their involvement in a shooting accident in Nafri on 1 August 2011, and the killing of a taxi driver and burning of his taxi in Skyline on 6 July 2011.

At the same time, other joint team members went to Biben Kogoya (the neighbourhood leader)’s small house (this small house is separated from Biben Kogoya’s main house and is usually used by the community for worship, discussion or meeting) and raided it. The officers then brought 14 villagers (three of whom were sick), randomly picked up from the village, to Biben’s yard, ordered them to lie down and forced them to see the sun rise without blinking. The officers humiliated, kicked, beat and pointed their guns at the victims. The officers asked the victims who among them were Danny Kogoya, Panius Kogoya, Ekimar Kogoya, Etra Yanengga and Gidi Wenda, and forced them to disclose the location of Panius Kogoya, Ekimar Kogoya, and Etra Yanengga, and whether they know Danny Kogoya.

I am outraged to learn that the joint team members placed a photo of the killed soldier in Nafri into a photo album at Biben’s house, which they then showed him and forced him to admit that he was the killer. Subsequently, Biben was dragged to an empty house which had been ransacked by the joint team members. There was a hole at the house, with bullets and papers around it. Biben was threatened with death if he did not admit that these belonged to him. When Biben refused to admit this, the officers dragged him towards the hole and tried to push him in. Biben managed to avoid falling in, but the joint team members then dragged him to another room. There, at the left corner, the officers ordered Biben to dig a hole while pointing a gun at him. Biben felt they would kill and bury him, and he tried to escape. He was caught and brought to his yard, where the other victims were.

At 6:30pm Metius Kogoya, a Christian clergyman, heard of the news and at 9:30pm he came to the location where the victims were being held. There, he was asked by the joint team members to name all the victims. When he named Ekimar, the officers immediately beat and dragged him to an empty yard, where he was beaten repeatedly and forced to name another killer. Finally Ekimar named Panius, as a result of which Panius was also dragged to the yard and beaten together with Ekimar.

While the victims were being beaten and interrogated, other joint team members were raiding Biben Kogoya’s house for documents that could be used as evidence. They seized ‘weapons’ such as traditional arrows, a chopper, a knife. In the backyard, one officer shot a hole through a frying pan, stating, “With this frying pan, you cooked and gave food to members of the Free Papua Movement (OPM).” The joint team members also raided other victims’ houses.

Approximately at 1pm, the chief of regional police (KAPOLDA) of Papua and the chief of Jayapura city district police (KAPOLRESTA) came to Biben’s yard and ordered the joint team members to stop their assault. Then the victims were brought to the Jayapura city district police headquarters and interrogated as witnesses of the Nafri and Skyline killings. In violation of articles 17 and 38 of the Indonesian criminal procedure law, the joint team officers did not show any arrest and seizure warrant when arresting the victims. The police officers also did not inform the victims of their rights and interrogated them without legal counsel in violation of articles 51 and 54.

It has come to my grave attention that the Jayapura police officers threatened to kill Ekimar and Panius Kogoya if they did not confess to being the killers in the Nafri and Skyline incidents. As a result, the two victims made statements that they were the killers. Ekimar is a minor, and I am shocked that his rights were violated by being interrogated and detained in the same manner as an adult.

The police completed their interrogation of the victims at 11pm, excluding Ekimar and Panius, who were considered as suspects of manslaughter, murder, and violence as mentioned in articles 338, 340 and 170.1 of the criminal code. The victims were taken to a prison truck and not given food until the following morning.

On the next day, September 1, at 11:40am, a representative from the national human rights commission in Papua, the Baptist chuch of Papua and several human rights activists came to the Jayapura police headquarters to see the victims. After several complaints submitted to the police and due to insufficient proof, the police released all the victims except Ekimar and Panius Kogoya at around 3pm. The 13 victims are presently suffering from trauma and cannot conduct their daily activities as usual.

On September 3, at 9am, the Jayapura district police gave the arrest and detention warrants to the families of Ekimar and Panius Kogoya in violation of articles 17 and 21.1 of the Indonesian criminal procedure law.

Until now, I am not aware of any action taken against the perpetrators for their brutal and illegal behaviour towards the villagers. I urge you to seriously look into the victims’ allegations and take appropriate action against those found responsible. Appropriate action must also be taken against the authorities that have failed to intervene.

Yours sincerely,

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PLEASE SEND YOUR LETTERS TO:

1. Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono
The President of Indonesia
Jl. Veteran No. 16
Jakarta Pusat
INDONESIA
Tel: +62 21 3863777, 3503088.
Fax: +62 21 3442223

2. Mr. Kemal Azis Stamboel
The Chairman of the First Commission of House of Representative of Indonesia
Gedung DPR RI Nusantara II, Lantai 1
Jl. Jenderal Gatot Subroto
Jakarta 10270
INDONESIA
Phone: +62 21 5715518
Fax: +62 21 5715523

3. Chairman of Third Commission of The House of Representative of Indonesia
Jl. Gatot Subroto No. 6 Jakarta
INDONESIA
Tel:+62 21 5715569
Fax: +62 21 5715566

4. Mr. Erfi Triassunu
Commander of Regional Military Command XVII Cendrawasih
(Kemiliteran Daerah Papua / Kodam Papua)
Jl. Polimak atas Jayapura Provinsi Papua
INDONESIA
Fax: +62 967 533763

5. General of Police Timur Pradopo
Chief of Indonesian National Police
Markas Besar Kepolisian Indonesia
Jl. Trunojoyo No. 3
Kebayoran Baru
South Jakarta 12110
INDONESIA
Tel: +62 21 3848537, 7260306, 7218010
Fax: +62 21 7220669
Email: info@polri.go.id

6. Head of Division of Profession and Security of Indonesian Police
Markas Besar Kepolisian Indonesia
Jl. Trunojoyo No. 3
Kebayoran Baru
South Jakarta 12110
INDONESIA
Tel: +62 21 3848537, 7260306, 7218010
Fax: +62 21 7220669
Email: info@polri.go.id

7. Chairman of the National Police Commission (Kompolnas)
Jl. Tirtayasa VII No. 20 Komplek PTIK Jakarta Selatan
INDONESIA
Tel: +62 21 739 2352
Fax: +62 21 739 2317

8. Head of National Commission on Human Rights of Indonesia
Jalan Latuharhary No.4-B,
Jakarta 10310
INDONESIA
Tel: +62 21 392 5227-30
Fax: +62 21 392 5227
Email: info@komnas.go.id

9. Ms. Harkristuti Harkrisnowo
General Director of Human Rights
Department of Law and Human Rights Republic of Indonesia
Jl. HR Rasuna Said Kav.6-7 Kuningan, Jakarta 12940
INDONESIA
Tel: +62 21 525 3006, 525 3889, 526 4280
Fax: +62 21 525 3095

10. Chief of Regional Police of Papua province
Jl. Samratulangi No. 8 Jayapura
INDONESIA
Tel: + 62 0967 531014
Fax: +62 0967 533763

11. Chief of Jayapura city district police (POLRESTA)
Jl. A. Yani No.11
Jayapura
INDONESIA

Thank you.

Urgent Appeals Programme
Asian Human Rights Commission (ua@ahrc.asia)

The TNI Should Withdraw From Papua to Prevent Another Lacluta

By Daniel Pye

This month marks the 30th anniversary of the Lacluta massacre in East Timor by battalions of the Indonesian military, or TNI.

One of the enduring horrors of the occupation of East Timor was the “fence of legs” campaign of 1981 where civilians were rounded up and forcibly marched across the island to flush out resistance fighters – including Xanana Gusmao, now the fledgling nation’s Prime Minister.

Many died along the way. The campaign led to “very serious humanitarian consequences,” including famine as it took place during planting season and many of those press-ganged were subsistence farmers.

The march headed to Lacluta where the UN Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation determined hundreds of East Timorese were murdered by Indonesian armed forces. “The commission received evidence of a large massacre of civilians, including women and children, at this time,” it said.

Indonesian authorities admitted to only 70 deaths, while Martinho da Costa Lopes of East Timor’s Catholic church said the death toll was closer to 500. One East Timorese fighter said the attack was carried out by Battalion 744, later to be commanded by Indonesia’s current president, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.

“I witnessed with my own eyes how the Indonesian military, Battalion 744, killed civilians in front of me,” Albino da Costa said. “They captured those unarmed people, tied them up then stabbed them to death. There was a pregnant woman captured and killed just like that. I saw it from a close distance, just 100m from where it happened.”

Costa Lopes died in Lisbon in 1991. His repeated calls for intervention by the United Nations and for curtailment of United States military aid to the Indonesian Government went unheeded.

The US, Japan and a number of Western European countries continued to provide Indonesia with about $5 billion in military aid. In the aftermath of the 1975 invasion the media largely ignored, as one Australian parliamentary report called it, “indiscriminate killing on a scale unprecedented in post-World War II history,” because of Indonesia’s vast natural resources. It was, as former US President Richard Nixon put it, the “greatest prize in the Southeast Asian area”.

Indonesia’s occupation of East Timor ended with independence and perhaps as many as a third of the population killed.

But today there is another war for independence in Indonesia: West Papua. And the parallels with East Timor are striking.

Papuans have endured horrific violence since Indonesia first invaded in 1963. Amnesty International and other human rights groups agree that as many as 100,000 Papuans have been killed under occupation.

West Papua is rich in minerals and oil. Transmigration, commercial logging, mining and other government-sponsored programs are considered to be in the interests of the nation, and take priority over any local land claims.

It has the world’s largest gold mine, controlled by the Freeport-McMoRan Company of Louisiana and the Anglo-Australian company Rio Tinto. General Suharto granted the concession under the 1967 foreign investment laws that opened Indonesia to near-unrestricted foreign wealth exploitation.

When guerrillas from the Free West Papua Movement sabotaged the mine in 1977, the army responded by killing at least 800 Papuans. This was not the first, not the last time the Indonesian military would be used to protect Western capital under the guise of “protecting the unity of the nation”. It is happening still.

Grasberg workers walked out on strike over pay and conditions on Wednesday. The mineworkers are paid between $1.50 and $3.50 per hour, less than a tenth of what their colleagues in other countries get, while between April and June 2011 Freeport made a profit of $1.73 billion. Most of the wealth extracted from the mine goes abroad – a tiny percentage benefits Papuans. Two thirds of West Papua’s forests – which are at the heart of Papuans’ traditional way of life – are designated for “production” by Jakarta.

An Indonesian military intelligence report leaked to the press in August showed how the island is awash with spies. And how badly equipped are the Papuan separatists to fight the Indonesian military. The TNI is armed and trained by the US and its allies as part of the East Asia Summit grouping, which is fast developing into a Nato for Asia.

Ahead of the planned Third Papuan Peoples Conference, Indonesian paramilitary forces linked to the police and Special Forces of the army appear to have stepped up military operations in the province, which have been described as a campaign of terror by people on the ground. According to KontraS, The Commission for the Disappeared, the army’s actions are illegal under Indonesian law.

Just like in East Timor before independence, West Papua is a prime example of a colony where the extraction of wealth for the benefit of a few outweighs a people’s fundamental right to self-determination. If atrocities such as the one at Lacluta are to be prevented in the future in West Papua, the TNI should withdraw and international investigators should be allowed access to the region.

Jakarta is at a crossroads with international attention focused on West Papua following the Pacific Islands Forum meetings in New Zealand. The head of the UN Ban Ki Moon was unequivocal when asked about Papua. Papuans’ rights should be upheld, he said. Indonesia’s government could take this opportunity to fulfill its pledge to grant Papuans autonomy. But this must include an end to the lawlessness of government-sponsored armed groups, a withdrawal of army units, and determining how Papuans’ natural resources are used must be the preserve of Papuans.

Pacific cannot be truly free until West Papua is free, say activists

From our partners at Pacific Media Centre

West Papuan protesters demonstrate at Auckland University when UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon made a speech. Photo: Henry Yamo / PMC

Asia-Pacific Journalism, Pacific Media Centre

14 September, 2011

Henry Yamo

Free West Papua” … the Pacific isn’t free until West Papua is free. That is the four-decades-old West Papuan slogan that reverberated for a week as the Pacific islands countries gathered for the 42nd Pacific Islands Forum in New Zealand.

Ban Ki-moon waving to West Papuan protesters at Auckland University. Photo: Karen Abplanalp / PMC

Ban Ki-moon waving to West Papuan protesters at Auckland University. Photo: Karen Abplanalp / PMC

Dr John Ondawame from the West Papua People’s Representative Office in Vanuatu says: “Our call to the leaders of all Pacific countries is to support the West Papua peoples’ call for peace talks between the government of Indonesia and the people of West Papua.”

Pacific leaders must remember that the Pacific will never be free unless West Papua is free from the current oppression and atrocities that have lasted for more than 40 years caused by the Indonesian government, he says.

Dr Ondawame says their concerns are voiced particularly to their Melanesian neighbour countries to call on the government of Indonesia to take decisive decision on suggested peace talks and recommend a Forum fact-finding mission to West Papua.

“We are calling as Melanesian brothers and are very keen to meet with the Prime Minister of Vanuatu who has indicated to support our call,” he says.

“We also want to lobby with leaders from other Melanesian and Pacific countries to support Vanuatu when it raises the West Papua,” he said.

Fundamental right
The member for Te Tai Tokerau electorate and founding leader of the Mana Party in New Zealand, Hone Harawira, says he supports the cause of West Papuans because freedom is a fundamental right.

“As Pacific islanders we can only be totally free if West Papuans who are also from the Pacific are completely free from the current oppression,” says Harawira.

Jo Collins ... abuses will not go away. Photo: Henry  Yamo / PMC

Jo Collins … abuses will not go away. Photo: Henry Yamo / PMC

This was reinforced by the spokesperson for the Australian West Papua Association, Joe Collins, who says the Forum has to realise the abuses have been going on for many years and will not go away.

“People get shot or get burnt; tortures are carried out publicly on the streets so that it creates fear among the people.  The level of spying on West Papuans is very high, starting in villages and into towns and cities,” he says.

West Papua is one of the last conflict areas in the Pacific region. The international and Pacific governments should pay more attention to the level of torture and atrocities being experienced by the people.

Dr Ondawame says the freedom of West Papua is a Pacific issue that has received “embarrassingly  little” attention from Pacific countries while the United States and United Kingdom have made their position clear, calling for constructive and peaceful dialogue.

“At least Melanesian countries must act and we are pleased that Vanuatu is the only country that has come forward to firmly support the aspirations and independence of West Papua while our very close neighbour PNG has been silent and has been working closely with Indonesia,” he says.

Call for UN action
The United Nations cannot do much with human rights issues in West Papua unless Pacific Island countries unite and call for UN action.

Rex Rumakiek ... seeking peaceful solution. Photo: Henry Yamo / PMC

Rex Rumakiek … seeking peaceful solution. Photo: Henry Yamo / PMC

Secretary-General of the West Papua National Coalition for Liberation (WPCNL) Rex Rumakiek says: “West Papua has been part of the Pacific since the establishment of the South Pacific Commission and also as founding member of the Pacific Conference of Churches set up in 1956.

“And so it is timely for our Pacific brothers to adhere to our concerns when the opportunity arose. We are here to seek that support.”

Rumakiek says the people of West Papua will continue to take up the call until a peaceful solution to the problems is found, ending the shameful atrocities encountered.

Meanwhile, activist Paula Makabory says their struggle is not a fight against the Indonesian government but also against imperialism and neo-colonialism.  It is about being Melanesian within Indonesia.

“Shouting West Papua or free West Papua or even displaying the West Papua flag in West Papua has landed people in jail for 15-20 years or have been beaten very badly that some eventually succumb to their injuries.”

She says even though Indonesia has rectified civil and political rights under the UN treaty, West Papuans are constantly under military surveillance and humiliated every now and then.

Their united call is for the Forum to support their call for a peaceful dialogue with the Indonesian government and to grant West Papuan representatives observer status at their annual conferences.

The West Papuans believe that the Forum cannot say it promotes regional stability, while overlooking and neglecting the deadliest issue that has dragged on for over four decades.

Henry Yamo is a postgraduate journalist on the Asia-Pacific Journalism course at AUT University’s School of Communication Studies.

More coverage on the West Papua issue at the Pacific Islands Forum

Special Investigation: State terror campaign around Jayapura

Indonesia extends brutal state terror campaign around Jayapura whilst scapegoating Papuans

Child kidnapping, arbitrary arrests, shootings and beatings of West Papuan civilians to divert attention from military destabilisation of civil resistance.


Special Investigation by Nick Chesterfield at westpapuamedia.info, with special correspondents in Abepura

A massive upsurge in “mysterious acts of violence” around the Jayapura region of West Papua has many local observers blaming Indonesian security forces. There is a dedicated offensive to “crush separatism” and dissuade Papuan civil society from engaging in advocacy for self-determination, ahead of a planned Third Papuan People’s Congress and amid escalating mass civil resistance for independence.

 September 9, 2011

An eight-year-old Papuan girl was abducted by police and scores of civilians have been arbitrarily detained and beaten by Indonesian forces in an aggressive security sweep campaign around Jayapura, West Papua.

In the latest crackdown 13 members of the Wakno Baptist Church were arrested on August 31 in Kotaraja, a suburb of Jayapura, by Police and Detachment 88 anti-terror troops. Heavily-armed plain clothes troops, BRIMOB paramilitary police and intelligence officers raided the houses of Giki and Giben Kogoya just before 0500 local time, looking for perpetrators of an attack that killed several Indonesian colonists in Nafri on August 1. Local human rights activists reported that many locals fled into the forest, fearing for their lives, after warning shots were fired.

Desi<br />
Kogoya
Desi Kogoya, 8

The raid at the shepherd’s house was witnessed by scores of local residents. Police chased a terrified eight-year-old, Desi Kogoya, catching her in the forest just before dawn during the arrest of her family, but the whereabouts of Desi and several of her family members were unknown for several days. Jayapura Police returned her to her family around lunchtime on September 7 after initially denying arresting the child or having her in custody, despite the witnesses telling Baptist priests that they saw her being dragged away and bundled into a truck.

The Fellowship of Baptist Churches of Papua has condemned the kidnapping of Desi, saying “that she is just a child that has no idea of the activities of her parents.” In a statement, a spokesman for the West Papua National Committee (KNPB) labelled the kidnapping of Desi Kogoya “a clear violation of Indonesian Human Rights Law” and has demanded that police immediately bring her home. “This is a clear violation of Indonesia’s obligations under the Convention on the Rights of the Child.”. At time of writing it was unclear as to the current condition of Desi.

On August 15, Jayapura District Police Assistant Senior Commissioner Imam Setiawan accused Dani Kogoya, the alleged Jayapura area commander of the West Papua National Liberation Army (TPN-OPM), of responsiblity for the Nafri attack – despite the violence being initially linked by police to “unknown persons”. Credible independent observers have widely linked the violence to elite security forces intent on violent destabilisation of pro-independence civil resistance, part of a deepening campaign of seemingly random violence against West Papuan civilians.

Indonesian security forces have a long record of arbitrary arrests and violent actions against civilians in the Kotaraja and Tanah Hitam neighbourhoods, with several military operations causing displacement of civilians and their families. In December 2010 a particularly brutal operation resulted in the arrests of 8 local men. Residents accused the military and police of planting weapons and evidence to link Dani Kogoya to acts of violence also blamed on “unknown persons”.

The neighbourhoods are strongholds of Dani and Lani families, who have moved to Jayapura for education or employment opportunities absent from their home tribal areas – in the Baliem Valley and highlands. The Kogoya clan, like many in local area, is a large Dani clan from the highlands of West Papua, with members in the pro-independence movement, ordinary farmers, and public servants.

(Please click on thumbnails for larger versions of these photos)

Local sources say Dani Kogoya had never visited Biben Kogoya’s house, and Police concede that he escaped the raid. The Fellowship of Baptist Churches in Papua has reported that the men arrested were forced by police to pose as perpetrators of the violence in Nafri. During a welfare visit to the Jayapura Police cells on August 31 the arrestees told PGBP General Chairman, Socratez Yoman, that they were not involved.

Those arrested were Desi Kogoya (8) and 13 other family members including Tinus, Arinus and Wen Wenda; and Mis, Bodi, Denias, Yawanus, Siki, Yeskiel, Yusman, Ekimar and Panius Kogoya. Of the 12 people arrested on August 31, ten were eventually released from Polsekta Jayapura, leaving two men – Ekimar Kogoya (22) and Panius Kogoya (20) – still undergoing interrogation.

Ekimar Kogoya
Panius Kogoya

Deep Scepticism at scapegoating

The arrests are being greeted with great scepticism by a highly traumatised local population. They accuse police of deliberately failing to find the real perpetrators of multiple acts of violence, and of scapegoating West Papuan people.

Indonesian Police in Jayapura have issued numerous contradictory statements surrounding the recent upsurge of violence, especially the Nafri case. According to the Jakarta Post the Papua Police spokesman, Senior Commander Kombes Wachyono, said on September 1 that the incident was simply a criminal act and had nothing to do with the Free Papua Organization (OPM).

Ferry Marisan, director of local Papuan human rights organisation ELSHAM Papua, told Radio Kbr68h that those arrested were simply not at the scene of the Nafri attacks, and were high school and college students committed to nonviolent civil resistance for Papua. Marisan, based on extensive investigations by ELSHAM, suspected the police of fabricating the case to link the detainees to the “separatist” OPM, and convict them of the violence – taking suspicions away from the security forces . “According to us, from ELSHAM (view) it’s not something new for police officers to always blame Papuans, put them on trial, and to prosecute them as the actual perpetrators. (With) Elsham’s longer investigation, we also find other evidence. There are some people other than Papuan people; we can definitely say they are part of the shooting. ” Marisan said.

Socratez Yoman, the Chairman of the Baptist Church, also demanded security forces find and arrest the genuine perpetrators of all the violence. “’Unknown Persons’ (OTK) are to be sought and arrested instead of the little people being scapegoated. Orchestrated theatre such as this must be stopped because it just destroys the authority and public view of the government and security apparatus in Indonesia and the international community. The authorities have failed to protect the people. We hope and we ask the security forces to free the two detained civilians. Do not be injured or injure the conscience of the people of God,” Yoman said.

According to local human rights and activist sources, it seems the police are fully aware of the real perpetrators of ongoing acts of violence, which is most likely connected to operational and funding competition between Police paramilitary forces and the elements of the rogue special forces, Kopassus.

The KNPB Sentani branch were even more blunt. “None of the 13 arrested as TPN-OPM suspected of the Nafri incidents are truly the perpetrators, as seen from several cases according to our investigations. TPN are not the murderers, but the perpetrator is Kopassus (Army Special Forces)”, said a KNPB spokesperson. Papua Police have been making arbitrary arrests and sweeps all over the city and Kotaraja, but the case has not yet been solved. “Papua Police need to stop sweeping and conducting activities that are not fundamental, because this unprofessional behaviour of Police has resulted in many Papuans becoming victims of abuse. The Indonesian police, army and BRIMOB in Papua must stop the injustice in Papua.”

Mass militarisation and distributed violence

West Papuan civil society has become progressively more active in demonstrating discontent at Jakarta’s failure to show the least concern for Papuan social, economic, development or security welfare. Increasing civil resistance has been emerging across Papua, with Jayapura a significant focus for regional grievances.

Jakarta is studiously ignoring Papuans’ core demand – removing its security forces from the streets. Local observers are seeing an increased display of muscle as the real demonstration of Jakarta’s resolve. Activists who have been identified as key figures in organising creative resistance are feeling the full force of the state, not limited to any single branch of state.

The current operation across the wider Jayapura region came after the Nafri attacks, with senior Indonesian military personnel vowing to militarily “crush all forms of separatism in the province”. The Indonesian military has publicly and clearly stated that it is not sympathetic to any demands for democratic space, and sees any act of dissent, peaceful expression, and even discussion, as evidence of separatism. In an address marking the end of Ramadan on August 35 at TNI headquarters in Jakarta, Commander Admiral Agus Suhartono declared that TNI will not negotiate with any separatist movement, especially the Free Papua Movement (OPM). “There are no [negotiations], none, in any shape or form,”

According to KontraS, The Commission for the Disappeared, the approach taken by the Indonesian military is illegal, as the deployment of troops was promoted by the TNI and not approved by the President or the Indonesian parliament. Without structures for accountability these deployments breach regulations. “The government should have learnt from past experience in Aceh and Timor-Leste that the security approach never solves problems but only intensifies the issues, making any solution even more difficult.”

“The illegal use of TNI forces also provides more evidence of the weak role of Polri in taking charge of security in Papua. Polri is increasingly showing that it lacks confidence in itself and its incapacity to take charge of security” said KontraS on September 3.

Since August 1, Indonesian security forces have been heavily deployed across the Jayapura region, conducting a campaign of indiscriminate and heavy-handed raids against civilians across an area from Genyem, west of Lake Sentani, to the PNG border. A special roaming correspondent for West Papua Media reported from Abepura that local people are deeply fearful of the military activities and indiscriminate targeting of civilians, and human rights workers and pro-independence activists particularly are on guard. Indonesian intelligence officers are monitoring every conversation and groups of more than three are being harassed across the military operations area.

The West Papua Advocacy Team said that the TNI’s continued resort to the “security approach” in West Papua, manifested most clearly in continued “sweep operations” that displace Papuan civilians and cost civilian lives, is an ongoing tragedy for Papuans. “TNI unaccountability for its criminal activity, including systematic abuse of Papuan civilians and continuance of illegal “business operations” there, is a part of this continuing tragedy. But the TNI’s behavior in West Papua also has implications for Indonesian democracy more broadly. The TNI’s role in West Papua underscores that this institution remains above the law and insubordinate to the policy and direction of the civilian government. It constitutes a severe threat to the growth of Indonesian democracy.”

Many sectors of Papuan civil society, together with international human rights observers, are noting that this campaign is extending to all forms of political expression – peaceful, political and pastoral – and is causing terror to the families of those even who have not engaged in political activity.

Witnesses and correspondents are describing the atmosphere as a warzone, with soldiers on the streets and harassing groups, conducting training and random Stop and Search, and indiscriminately targeting Papuan youths during sweep operations to flush out perpetrators of recent violence. Activist sources have reported seeing many groups of “people who are new in town” roaming across all areas from the ferry terminal and throughout the city, acting in an intimidatory fashion. “There is only one organisation that can have people act tough on the locals on their first day in a new town, and we call them the ghosts,” said a foreign observer present during this upsurge, recently returned from Papua.

Armed Intelligence officers, working in conjunction with pro-Indonesian militias of Barisan Merah Putih and Aswain (Uni Timor Asawin / United Sons of Timor, the vehicle for ex-Timor militiamen led by the notorious indicted war criminal Eurico Guterres), are regularly shadowing activists and their families, and conducting random roadblocks in isolated streets, according to witnesses.
Of course, like any terror campaign, “unknown persons” do not limit their victim to just one side, in order to create maximum terror and deniability. In an eerie simulacrum to his own stabbing in early 2011 after he broke a story on police abuse of detainees, journalist Banjir Ambarita reported the killing on August 23 of Captain Tasman, 53, from the Cendrawasih Regional Military Command. Unknown attackers fatally stabbed Tasman while he was motorcycling to work in the outskirts of Jayapura. In addition to the Ambarita case, this type of brazen attack bears strong similarities to the August 1 attack at Nafri, the delivery of a bomb on June 28 to the KumHAM office in Kotaraja, and many years of so-called “ninja” attacks from motorbikes that Papuan civilians have suffered for years.

This case, like so many others, has been unsolved, and police are showing no signs of hurrying any investigations. Papuan media sources have said that it absolutely critical for the TNI to be fully transparent with this investigation, and not blame Papuans immediately without credible evidence for an attack that bears all the hallmarks of Indonesian Islamist violence – especially in the use of the sword – or factional violence between members of the security forces involved in illegal business activities.

Gruesome and credible reports have been provided to West Papua Media detailing random attacks on students not necessarily connected with political activism. August 23 was a day of particular brutality, with similarities in all cases with the attack on Captain Tasman – connections that the police have so far refused to examine.

Noris Selegani in Abepura Hospital

Noris Selegani in Abepura Hospital

At 04:15 in the morning of August 23, two University students were attacked near the Cenderawasih University Campus (UNCEN) in Abepura, by perpetrators believed to be members of Kopassus from Abe Beach. Noris Selegani, 21, an International Relations Student at UNCEN, and Martinus Nayagau, 20, a student at the Department of Mines USTJ, were coming home on a motorbike from a University graduation party when a black four wheel drive Avanza blocked their path.

According to interviews from human rights workers who visited the victims in hospital, the two students were rammed by the Avanza and fell off their motorbike, but then several men dressed in Police trousers and “police civvies” (bajupreman) jumped out the car and beat them.

Martinus Nayagau

Using martial arts techniques, the assailants punched at Noris’s heart three times in quick succession so he lost consciousness, then broke his jaw, and left and right hands and upper arms, causing deep lacerations at the breaks and paralysis. Martinus received significant head and eye injuries from the beating. The assailants left the two victims for dead on the road. A garbage truck brought the two unconscious victims to Abepura Hospital for treatment.

According to witnesses and medical staff, Noris and Martinus were denied trauma treatment for two days at the hospital by medical personnel, as armed police and army took over the emergency area and refused to allow treatment of Papuan casualties. It is still unknown why armed officers evicted Papuans from the emergency ward of the hospital on August 24, but treatment was only able to be provided after the armed men ended their occupation. The students finally received surgery on August 26 and are currently recovering from their ordeal.

According to KNPB, this is another clear case of Kopassus deliberately sacrificing the lives of the victims. “This is an act that violates the State guaranteed Right to life of Papuan people, the occurrence of this incident is clear that, together with the killings in the streets at Buper, Nafri and other places that the culprit was Kopassus. They make deception that the culprits are TPN-OPM, but this is not true. TPN-OPM know the rules, they cannot target civilians but only eternal enemy being the TNI or Police.”

Later on the 23rd, terrified university students contacted via a West Papua Media stringer, speaking on the condition of anonymity, provided an account of the brutal stabbing of their friend, a student at Cenderawasih Universty (UNCEN). The student, who was testing out a newly purchased telescope on the summit of a hill above the new UNCEN campus, was with a friend and were ambushed and stabbed by unknown assailants. KNPB activists considered the stabbing – at around 1pm on August 23 – highly curious on the day of the Tasman incident, when TNI and Police were on high alert and standby (siaga) everywhere.

Evidence has also come to light of another extrajudicial police shooting of a civilian in his front garden, during a security sweep.

Marten Wenda

Marthen Wenda, 38, was shot through the thigh and beaten by Brimob police after being chased when falsely accused of being a thief at the Kangkung Outdoor Market, at 9pm on August 23. In video testimony provided to West Papua Media, Wenda described how he ran and was shot – extrajudicially – in his own front garden by a Brimob officer from Abeupra police station. Wenda sustained a deep gunshot wound in his thigh.

Marten Wenda's front garden, where he was shot by Brimob police
Gunshot wound from Brimob - Marten Wenda

These unsolved acts of violence that have been occurring around the Jayapura region since August 1, have been attributed to “unknown persons”, but are widely believed by many to be the work of security forces, with many acts of brutality being recorded against civilians in the aftermath. Police are reluctant to ever investigate, citing lack of evidence.

The KNPB believe these acts appear to be part of a scenario designed by certain quarters. “This scenario is being promoted by people who want to get their hands on funding. These acts of terror or intimidation are aimed at warning Papuans not to go on pressing for their human rights,” said Mako Tabuni of the KNPB, speaking alongside Buchtar Tabuni, the general chairman of the KNPB, as well as Viktor Kogoya, during a press conference on 6 September.
A policy of terror to dissuade activism?

The ongoing brutality against civilians in Jayapura is not quelling the desire for independence or organising for campaign of civil resistance.

Activists from the two main civil resistance sectors – KNPB and West Papua National Authority (WPNA) have reported significant threats to personal security in the weeks since mass mobilisations were held across West Papua on August 2. Civil resistance activists linked to KNPB Abepura, who declined to be identified, told West Papua Media the violent acts are part of a destabilisation scenario and are linked to conflict between police and military. “After violence, the military are totally taking over the public space especially around KNPB’s secretariat and Sofyan Yoman’s house, basically an invasion, putting lots of pressure on folks and demanding careful movements and security precautions.”

Once again, in the press conference on September 2, Mako Tabuni said KNPB would not be influenced by these incidents. “We, as the voice of the Papuan people, will continue to speak up for the human rights which are the true aspirations of the people of West Papua.”

Indonesian intelligence officers are continuing to threaten any activist that speaks out against the increasingly brutal colonial occupation of West Papua, extending intimidation even to churchmen who are not advocating independence and regularly engaging in activities that intimidate local people.

Indonesian Police on August 18 opened fire on a car of West Papua independence activists in Abepura, West Papua, after arresting three other activists from the West Papua National Committee (KNPB) for distributing pamphlets in support of demonstrations planned for August 20. Brimob Officer Bripka Numberi allegedly fired indiscriminately in pursuit of the vehicle of KNPB activists who had enquired to the safety of a detained friend, shooting 21 rounds into the car. After the vehicles occupants panicked and ran, Numberi continued to open fire on the unarmed group, shooting Demi Asso, Soni Kosay in the feet.

A Papuan farmer was killed in his garden at Arso on August 19 by soldiers from either Kostrad or Kopassus. After a terrifying day for local villagers who were threatened repeatedly by soldiers occupying their village and gardens, Das Komba, 30, was returning from his banana grove when gunfire erupted. His body was found on August 20, and police later came to exhume his body.

According to a statement from KontraS, the Papua Regional Military commander, Major-General Erfi Triassunu later confirmed that shots were fired by a member of the TNI – because they alleged that Komba “was preparing to attack his men.” He said he was not clear about what happened but claimed that Komba had tried to seize a weapon from his men who were on patrol in the area. According to Triassunu, his men could not possibly have shot someone at random. However, Bintang Papua reported an autopsy confirmed that there were fragments of ammunition in Komba’s body but the calibre of the bullets is not known. Witnesses said that Komba had been told to go home by three soldiers, but just as he turned round, intending to return home, they heard two gunshots. His body was not found until Sunday, two days after the shooting.

Local human rights sources, pro-independence activists and even clergy have reported to West Papua Media of a significant increase in threatening behaviour from military officers and regular anonymous SMS and phone threats against anyone expressing their opinions or reporting evidence of daily life in Papua. However the SMS threats are considered to be so routine by the recipients that they often do not both to keep them, and are impossible to verify.

West Papua Media was recently provided with significant and thorough confidential police documentation that details the techniques of SMS and cell phone monitoring and communication blocking strategies regularly utilised by security forces against civilians. Activists report they receive an influx of threats after they observe security agents acting suspiciously in their vicinity. One recent wave of threats was targeted at activists from the West Papua National Authority, telling recipients “to get ready for their execution date”.

WPNA activists have responded to these latest threats by simply redoubling their efforts for massive mobilisations ahead of the planned Third Papuan Peoples’ Congress. KNPB activists are also redoubling their efforts by ensuring that the SMS threats are simply countered with improved security practice and careful movement. KontraS is conducting a thorough investigation currently into the SMS threats.
The reports detailed in this investigation are just the tip of the iceberg, and of course are only a small over all area of Papua. Many more reports of threats, intimidation and acts of violence against both ordinary Papuans and activists have been received in the past month by West Papua Media, but cannot be published at this stage as they cannot be verified.

Currently, significant military operations are still going in the Puncak jaya and Tingginambut areas of the highlands, designed to flush out the troops of Goliat Tabuni. In Paniai regency, thousands of security forces are occupying villages of the Mee people, and local church officials are helping to broker significant peacebuilding measures to limit the civilian displacement and potential for conflict. In Serui, local organisers from the West Papua National Authority are daily threatened with murder by Kopassus and Kostrad troops, with entire villages occupied to intimidate one activist living there.
At time of writing, it was unclear if Indonesian security forces were acting with or without clear direction of Jakarta. However, Jakarta is at a crossroads with international attention on Papua. On September 7 at the Pacific Island’s Forum meeting in Auckland, the visiting United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon was drawn into the Papua issue, but was unequivocal in his response. “whether you are an independent state or a non-self-governing territory or whatever, the human rights is inalienable and a fundamental principle of the United Nations. We will do all to ensure that people in West Papua, their human rights will be respected,” Mr. Ban told reporters.

West Papuan civil resistance activists understand that their internal consolidation is being greeted with trepidation from Jakarta. By the violent actions of the last month, the “unknown persons” of the TNI are increasingly desperate to nip this desire for freedom in the bud and are trying every little black bag trick they can think of. However, according to most observers on the ground in Papua, the military’s black bags are becoming increasingly transparent, and aided by increasing capacity for citizen media, Papuan civil society is becoming increasingly impatient for – and capable of – the disciplined change that is going to shake Jakarta at its foundations once again.
Nick Chesterfield

***
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An Indonesian War of ‘Unknown Persons’

By AUBREY BELFORD

Published: August 26, 2011

http://www.nytimes.com/2011/08/27/world/asia/27iht-papua27.html?_r=2&pagewanted=all

JAKARTA — It is a seemingly unending conflict in a part of the world famous for both its awesome remoteness and the incredible wealth on and beneath the ground.

For half a century, Indonesian troops and police officers have fought a shadowy and sporadic war in the vast forests and highlands of Papua, as the western end of New Guinea is known, after taking control of the former Dutch colony in the 1960s. It is a long-running conflict that is poorly understood by even those involved.

On one level, the fight is between security forces and ragtag groups of indigenous separatists, armed with guns, spears and arrows.

Sometimes, it is alleged, it is factions of the security forces fighting among themselves, drawn into competition over the ill-gotten spoils of a region of vast natural resources, including some of the world’s richest mines. Often, official references to those doing the killing go no further than “unknown persons,” leaving their identity — agents provocateurs, business rivals or guerrillas — the stuff of conspiracy theories.

But after an outburst of violence in recent months that has killed dozens, Indonesia is coming under renewed calls to solve a conflict, replete with economic misery and human rights abuses, that has tainted the country’s image as an emerging democratic giant.

A report this week by the International Crisis Group, an independent research organization, is the latest in a series of calls by civil society groups for a renewed dialogue between Papuans, who are ethnically distinct from other Indonesians and many of whom favor independence, and officials in Jakarta, who see the region as an inviolable part of Indonesia.

At issue are special autonomy arrangements put in place a decade ago by the administration of former President Megawati Sukarnoputri to head off renewed calls for independence following the 1998 fall of the Suharto dictatorship. Suharto ruled Papua with an iron fist while making billions for Jakarta from its natural wealth.

Special autonomy devolved some power to Papuans and saw the creation of local governments and the pumping of huge sums of money back into the region. The government also, controversially, split Papua into two separate provinces, Papua and West Papua.

But the report argues that special autonomy has so far failed to solve the roots of the conflict. Deep poverty persists, as does chronic corruption.

Non-Papuan migrants from other parts of Indonesia dominate the economy.

And, importantly, there remains a sense among Papuans that Indonesian security forces remain a law unto themselves, killing and torturing with near impunity.

“The government of President Yudhoyono, on Papua as on everything else, has been glacially slow to develop a policy that would be different from the default response of throwing cash at the problem and hoping it will go away,” the report by the crisis group said.

While democratic Indonesia has made huge strides in solving bloody wars of separatism and intercommunal conflict in provinces like Aceh and Maluku, Papua has stood out as a weeping sore.

Recent violence exposes the complexity of the conflict. The past two months have seen a rash of attacks in the highland district of Puncak Jaya, one of the poorest and remotest areas of Indonesia and a hot spot for a local insurgency led by a faction of the separatist Free Papua Movement, or TPN-OPM.

This month, a helicopter carrying a shot and dying soldier was hit by rebel bullets in the region and, last week, a motorcycle taxi driver was shot and killed in the district capital by “unknown persons,” said Lt. Col. Alex Korwa, the local police chief.

Over the hills, in Puncak, another district created as part of the government’s special autonomy plan, fighting between indigenous clans over control of the local government left 17 dead in late July.

This month, five people, including two soldiers, were killed in separate incidents near Jayapura, the capital of Papua Province. A series of other gunfights and stabbings have continued throughout Papua over this period.

The authorities have, mostly, pointed the finger at the TPN-OPM for the deadliest of the Jayapura attacks, an ambush in which four people were killed. But Papuan independence campaigners assert that elements of the security forces, or their clients, are behind many such attacks.

“These attacks I think have been carried out either by militias, or the military themselves, as violence to create an atmosphere of fear,” said Benny Giay, a pastor in the Gospel Tabernacle Church. The commander of military forces in Papua, Maj. Gen. Erfi Triassunu, said the attack near Jayapura was “purely the TPN-OPM.”

Mr. Giay also alleged that a Papuan farmer, Das Komba, was abducted and killed by soldiers near the border with Papua New Guinea on Friday, but the police and military have so far not commented on the case.

Cases in which members of the security forces received light sentences for the torture and murder of civilians have caused outrage in recent months, but the crisis group argues in its report that the fact such trials exist at all is a step forward.

With Papua thousands of kilometers from Jakarta, and tightly sealed from foreign journalists and many rights groups, it is difficult to confirm independently claims and counterclaims about much of the violence. For those on the ground, too, many attacks remain mysterious.

“How can we trust the police or the military if there are no perpetrators, if no one gets caught?” asked Latifah Anum Siregar, the director of the Democracy Alliance for Papua, a human rights group.

“Police will send out 200, 300 people on a sweep, but they won’t get anyone.”

One senior police officer who has had command roles in Papua’s hot spots said that even he was often uncertain who exactly was behind attacks — rebels or rogue soldiers. “We weren’t sure,” said the officer, who declined to be named because of the sensitivity of the subject. “Every time we got a glance of the shooter, they always disappeared really quickly into the jungle.”

Realizing the drawbacks of special autonomy, the government of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has pledged to put together a temporary body, called the Unit for the Acceleration of Development in Papua and West Papua, to seek solutions to corruption, poverty and rights abuses in the region, but its formation has been delayed.

“There’s a lot of mistrust by the people in Papua, both towards the government in Jakarta and their own regional governments,” said Dewi Fortuna Anwar, a political science professor at the Indonesian Institute of Sciences who is involved in setting up the body.

But building trust may take more than building schools. Many Papuans remain fiercely committed to independence, arguing that the process by which Indonesia achieved sovereignty over Papua in 1969 — a vote by 1,025 Papuan elders handpicked by the Indonesian authorities — was flawed.

Indonesia is similarly inflexible. Simply unfurling the region’s Morning Star independence flag can be considered subversion, a crime punishable by up to 20 years or life in prison. About two dozen people are in jail or awaiting trial in Papua on subversion charges, according to Human Rights Watch.

Amid violence earlier this month, thousands of people protested in Papuan towns and cities to demand a referendum on independence. The political affairs minister, Djoko Suyanto, was firm in his response. “Papua is a part of the unitary republic of Indonesia,” he said. “That is what we must maintain.”

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