“We Want To Be Free”: An Interview With Four Women From The West Papuan Movement For Freedom

AWID Logo newraised-fist-teuredxt-wpma-logo

Source: West Papua Media

08/08/2013

In 2012 Alex Rayfield and Claudia King had the privilege of interviewing four extraordinary West Papuan women, all active in the nonviolent movement for freedom in West Papua, a Melanesian nation-in-waiting occupied for more than five decades by the Indonesian military. All four women had known deep pain as a result of the occupation of their homeland and the corrosive fear of being targeted for extermination.

Some wrestled with hate of Indonesians that at times threatened to overwhelm them. All had imagined, even desired, to wage armed struggle against the Indonesian government. But instead of being pacified by terror or succumbing to cravings for revenge these four young women refuse to give into hatred or relinquish their dreams of freedom (merdeka). All are engaged in efforts to realize their hopes for a restored Papua without resort to weapons or violence. How could this be possible? King and Rayfield travelled into Indonesia and West Papua to learn about why they joined the Papuan movement for freedom, what they long for, why they had chosen to struggle nonviolently, some of the challenges they faced and about the experience and role of women in the movement.

Since interviewing the four, one of the women, Fanny Kogoya, the Director of Friends of the Earth Indonesia, Papua (WALHI Papua) and a former central committee member of the West Papua National Committee (Komite Nasional Papua Barat or KNPB), has had to flee the country. Another KNPB member Rina Kogoya, Secretary of the Port Numbay (Jayapura) branch, has decided to remain in West Papua but has gone into hiding as the Indonesian police systematically try to destroy the organisation through a campaign of summary execution (22 KNPB members were killed in 2012 alone), arrest, torture and trumped-up charges of treason, hatred of the state, bomb making and murder. The other two women are Heni Lani, from the Alliance of Papuan Students (Aliansi Mahasiswa Papua or AMP) and Ice Murib, Chair of the Movement of Papua Women (Gerakan Perempuan Papua).

When and why you got involved in the movement?

Fanny Kogoya, Director, Friends of the Earth, Papua

My name is Fanny Kogoya. I am a Lani woman from the Dani Tribe, Wamena, West Papua. I am now the Director of the Papua office of Friends of the Earth Indonesia.

I first became active in the struggle in 2000. At that time I was 20 years old. I joined in a number of forum discussions with student activists from the Papuan Student Alliance (Aliansi Mahasiswa Papua). It was first semester of university but before I moved to Jogjakarta.

For years the Dani people experienced repression from the Indonesian military. Prior to 1998 – when Suharto was overthrown – the Dani’s homeland was in a military operations area (Daerah Operasi Militer). During reformasi, in 1998 and 1999 there were lots of demonstrations and my friends and I felt like we could do something. But when I was in high school, before 1998, we could not speak openly about freedom for West Papua. It was even difficult to buy or sell Papuan music. If you spoke about freedom during these times you were accused of being a part of the GPK (Gerekan Pengacau Keamanan) “the movement of security disturbers” [a police and military code for the OPM or Papua Freedom Movement]. As a child I often saw people beaten-up by the police, often without any reason at all. When I moved to Jogja I started to remember all of these things that had happened to me as a child and for the first time I was able to talk about that with other people. It was like a lid was lifted off of a boiling pot.

One of the things I we talked about was when the biologists were kidnapped by Kelly Kwalik [a legendary Papuan guerilla leader killed by Detachment 88 in December 2009]. Prabowo, one of the Kopassus [Indonesian Special Forces] commanders tried to release those hostages but what happened was that a whole lot of people were killed up in the highlands. I started reading about the history of West Papua’s integration with Indonesia, the so-called integration and I began to realise just how much wrong, how much injustice the Papuan people had experienced at the hands of others.

As a student I started to compare the policies, the government policies, with what was actually happening on the ground. On the one hand you had the constitution which talked about freedom and the Pancasila which talked about social justice but in reality there was very little political space for us Papuans. When I was living in Java I could compare the health and education system with what we had in West Papua and it was just so different. Things were so much better in Java. What is happening in Papua now is just like the New Order under Suharto and just like the reformasiperiod after Suharto. There is very little political difference for Papuan before or after Suharto. After Suharto we thought there would be more space for us but Papua has yet to experience a real democratic space. These kinds of things make me really emotional. I realized I had to resist. I can’t be silent. I have to resist.

When I was a student studying in Jogja I came to understand that I am a person who possesses land; that my life is very different from other Indonesians. The connection to land, to Papuan culture, to Adat, is quite different from what is in Java. Our relationship to our ancestors is different from those in Java. Papua is not Indonesia. Indonesia is very different from Papua.  Papua is something completely different from Indonesia.

Rini Tabuni, secretary of KNPB, Jayapura-Sentani

The first time I got involved in the struggle was in 2008. I had just finished my university studies. This was already 10 years on from Suharto and in the period of reformasi, so people felt freer to talk about the issue of freedom. The hopes embodied in reformasi gave me spirit [semangat] and encouraged me to get involved in the movement.

My mother would often speak about the things that she experienced in her life. She talked about what happened in Wamena in 1977 when there were massive military operations. My parents were pastors of the Kingmi church in Wamena at that time.

Actually my father was one of the victims of 1977. Indonesian soldiers cut open his chest with knives. They took out the contents of his stomach and they removed his heart. My grandfather saw this happening with his own eyes. As the soldiers were cutting open my father’s chest they were saying, “Where is your God now? Who is here to save you?” My grandmother and my grandfather then fled to the forest where my mother and I were hiding. They told us what had happened. And of course this event really traumatized my mother. Even now when she tells this story she always cries.

So that’s one reason I’m involved in the movement, that’s one reason why I struggle. After this we moved to Jayapura. We lived in Dock 5 with Benny Wenda’s people. In 2000 Benny started to become more active in the movement. Benny and all of my family had to flee. We ran to Papua New Guinea. After a little while, when it was safer, my older brother, who was working in the civil service, brought us back to Jayapura. Of course Benny got refugee status in England. We watched what he did from the outside; how he continued to struggle. That inspired those of us who lived inside Papua to continue to struggle in the movement. It was in this context that KNPB entered. My friends and I said let’s stay with this organization, let’s sit down with them and see what we can do together.

Heni Lani, Aliansi Mahasiswa Papua

My name is Heni Lani, I am from the Dani tribe of Wamena.

I was 18 years old when I got involved in the struggle. That was in 2003. But before that, as a girl, you know, I had experiences like Fanny and Rina. When I was in primary school the police came to my house and arrested my father. Even as a little girl, I could see the way the police treated my father was not respectful. It really made us angry. At that time my father was a principal of a primary school. Back then I had no idea that in addition to being a principal my father was also organising indigenous people in Wamena. So in the beginning I had no idea why my father had been arrested. And I guess that is what really made me angry. Two days after the police arrested my father he came home. For a week my father just stayed in the room with my mother. As children we had no idea what had happened.

I stayed with my family in Wamena until Middle-High School when I went to a Catholic boarding school. Every Saturday we’d have a chance to go home and be with our family. One Saturday night when I was at home, two police officers came around to my house. They were in plain clothes but they were carrying weapons. They arrested my father again. I still remember it. We were sitting down having dinner and the police came into my house. They grabbed my dad and they dragged him outside.

The next thing that really influenced me occurred when I was in Senior high school. Actually Rina and I were at the same school. One afternoon, around the time Benny Wenda was arrested,  I was hungry so I went outside the boarding school to buy some cake. I was still wearing my school uniform. I bought some cake from a street seller and I put it in a big plastic bag. This man was standing next to me and he said, “ hi younger sister, good day. What’s your name.” I told him “my name is Heni.” He asked me where I was from but because I didn’t know him I said, “Father would you like some cake?” He took some cake then I crossed the road.

I crossed the road and I noticed there were lots of police. Suddenly the police ran across the road and grabbed the guy I had just given cake to. The police dragged him by his hair and beard. It was only then I realized it was actually Benny Wenda. Benny Wenda shouted out in Lani, “quick, help me, grab this bag”. There were no other people from Wamena there so they did not understand what he was saying but I understood. Then he said it again: “help me, grab this bag”. But I didn’t do anything. I just stood there watching him cry out.

The next day in the Cendrawasi Post [the main daily newspaper in Jayapura, the capital of West Papua) there was a big photo of Benny Wenda on the front cover. The newspaper sellers were calling out “C-post, C-post, Benny Wenda arrested, Benny Wenda arrested.” I bought a paper and started reading it.  In the article it said in his bag were a whole lot of sensitive documents; the morning star flag, his passport, all sorts of things. After reading the C-post I realized, wow it really was Benny Wenda that I met yesterday. Before that I only knew his name. I had never met him before. I can’t tell you how guilty I felt, like I had done some really wrong. I didn’t go to school that day. For the next three days I was carrying this burden. I kept on thinking to myself, why didn’t I do anything? Perhaps if I knew it was Benny Wenda I would have gone and helped him, grabbed his bag to keep it from the police. That was the third experience that influenced my political development as an activist.

After school I started studying at University but I continued to stay at the Catholic dormitory. I would often witness demonstrations on the main road in Abepura. At our campus there was a small discussion group led by Jeffrey Pigawak. I started to attend and began to ask questions; why did the police do this and why did the police do that? I wanted to try and understand the things that I had witnessed as I was growing up. Bit by bit I became more active in the discussion group. That was between 2002 and 2003. In 2003 I made a decision that I would become more active. The first group I got involved in was the street parliament (Parlamen Jalanan), which was set-up by Filip Karma and Yusak Pakage.

On the April 5 2004 I got my political education from Filip Karma. I remember it was at the beach in Hamadi. Filep Karma told me all the things that happened in our history, the whole history of our struggle. He told me everything going right back to the time of the Dutch, about Angganeta Manufandu in Biak during the 30s and 40s, the role of Mama Yosepa in the highlands, all these things. Before I received my political education from Filip Karma it was like I was sitting in this small dark room with little rays of light coming through. These rays of light were like my father getting arrested and Benny Wenda getting arrested. When I got my education it was like the door of this room was flung open. It was as if I went outside for the first time and saw what was really happening. The day on the beach in Hamadi was the first time I saw the Morning Star flag. I grabbed it and held it. Finally, I realized, I’m not an Indonesian, I’m a Papuan!

All these events culminating with the political education I received from Karma and Pakage strengthened my commitment to this struggle. Since then my friends have been arrested, some have died in jail, some have fled to Papua New Guinea. It’s like we are migrants in our own land. So many people from Java, from Sulawesi, from Sumatra have come to our land. We don’t have space to do anything. I finally discovered that the reason my father was arrested was because they wanted to take his land to build a stadium. My father was defending his land but they took his land to build a stadium. My father had said if you want to take my land to build a school, well then okay, we can talk about it but they didn’t care. When I became involved in the movement my father told me all these things. So I have no reason to sit down and be quiet.

Ice Murib, Chair of the Papuan Women’s Movement

I first got involved in the movement in 2008 but something happened to me in 2006. I was in Jayapura in class three of senior high school at the time. The date was March 16 2006. There was a big action in Abepura. Lots of students were involved including Heni. My friends and I were in Kotaraja. We tried to get a taxi home but the road was blocked everywhere so we had to walk. It was quite a distance, maybe 20 kilometers. When we passed the road between the University of Cendrawasih and the Trikora football field,  I saw students burning tires, they were blockading the road, and I saw Heni speaking. Suddenly I heard shooting. Students were running everywhere. I joined them. We ran and ran. I still had my school clothes and I was running for my life. The police were arresting people. There were soldiers everywhere but I kept running. I ran all the way home. The following day I didn’t go to school. I heard they were looking for students. Their pictures were everywhere including Heni’s. Her face was posted on the wall, along with other people who were wanted by the police.

At that time I felt sick in my heart. I thought, this isn’t right, this isn’t just. That is why I joined the Alliance of Papuan Students from the Central Highlands. But you know, the events of March 16 2006 were not the only thing I have seen. I have also experienced some of the things that my friends Fanny, Rina, and Heni have experienced. My parents and grandparents were involved in the events of 1977 in Wamena. The repression then was so heavy…

At that time in Tiom my grandfather would see the military come and take pieces of iron. They would heat them up in water and use them torture people. The soldiers would stab people with these hot pieces of iron until they died. The police would go through and sweep the village, searching for people. Helicopters hovered above while the police and army went house to house searching for people.

One morning everyone hid in the church. The children, the women, and the men, they all tried to hide in the church. And then the Army came. Other people from other villages also came. The army and police asked people to come out of the church. My grandfather came out of the church and ran. He took my father who was still young and hid in the forest.

The army forced everyone to come out of the church. The men were forced to strip down, to take off all of their traditional clothes until they were naked. At that moment one of the soldiers came up to one of my grandfather’s friends and in front of including the children, he slit his throat. Other people were killed that day too. I don’t know how many but I can tell you that my grandfather’s friend’s throat was slit. And then they made everyone eat his head. We can eat pigs, but we can’t eat human beings. That is why my grandfather and father fled to the forest. Everyone was grieving.

In 2000 when I was in second grade middle school Morning Star flags were being raised all over the Baliem Valley. Every morning the members of satgas, a kind of unarmed militia set-up by Papuan Presidium Council, would raise the morning star flag at various posts throughout the valley. The president at the time, Gus Dur gave an order that the Morning Star flags had to come down. On the morning of October 6 2000 I went to school in Wamena city. The police and military were everywhere, travelling from post to post to try and take down the flags. I remember feeling confused. When I got to school it was so quiet, everyone had gone so I went home. As I tried to go home a man from Biak asked me, “Who are you? Where are you from? You’ve got to go home, you can’t be here, you have to go home.” I ran down the main road all the way home. As I ran I saw police and military everywhere. I pass a satgas post where the police and soldiers are trying to force the flag down. I see a woman trying to defend the flag. She had her  arms wrapped around it. I saw them beat her. They just beat her until the blood ran down her face. Along the side of the road people were being beaten and tortured. Of course seeing all of these things I was so scared.

So I just ran. I ran all the way home. But when I got home nobody was there except my two younger sisters. At that time they were about 4 years old and 1 ½ years old. I was asked them, “Where is everyone? Where did everyone go?” My sisters told me that my mother was sick and my father was taking her to the hospital. She didn’t know what she should do, everyone was fleeing to the forest, everyone was running. My sister looked at me and said, “What should we do?” Nobody was there. Nobody was coming to help them. Then one of my grandmothers came she told me, “you can’t stay here, you can’t stay here, you’ve got to go, it’s not safe here.” So I got some powdered milk for the baby, some clothes for them and some food. I also got some shirts and shorts for my sisters. I grabbed a couple of things of my fathers, some documents that were important. Then I wrapped my youngest sister who was 1 ½ years, in a sheet and I wrapped and put her in a noken (string bag).  I took my other sister who was 4 years old, by the hand. By this time it was already night and there was heavy rain. In the beginning I didn’t know where I should go. It was really quiet. We went to the forest, in the direction of a village. It was a fair way to that village and I felt really scared. I felt so little. I am taking my two younger sisters into the forest, it was the middle of the night and I didn’t know where my parents were and what had happened to them. Finally we arrived at the village and stayed in one of the houses there. I cared for, looked after my younger sisters. Early morning the next morning I could hear the planes flying overhead, looking for people. There was nothing we could do. We just had to stay in that room. We couldn’t do anything.

When my father came back to the house from the hospital he looked for us but couldn’t find us. Finally he found us and we stayed there in that village for a week. When my mum came back from the hospital we returned home to our house and the situation started to get a bit better.

Two years later in 2002 something else happened. There was a raid on the military post in Wamena. Some people stole a couple of guns. This happened one Saturday night. I remember we were getting ready to go to church. When the priest began preaching the army suddenly burst in and forced everyone out of the church and into the front yard where they pointed guns at us and told us to sit down. The soldiers kept asked us if we knew what happened. This man raised his hand and said something but it was dark and there was heavy rain.  I heard the noise of footsteps but I didn’t see anything. Then before I knew it a soldier hit him and dragged him off to a patrol vehicle. After that everyone was too scared to say anything. The soldiers continued to ask us what happened but everyone was too scared to say anything. Finally the army left. When the army went people started to tell stories. Some people said that the many who raided the military base was Yustinus Murib and his friends. And of course my father was scared for us to go to school because our clan name is Murib. My father told us, if people ask you what your family name is, don’t tell them it’s Murib. Just go home if they ask. Don’t say anything because it’s really dangerous for you.

These are some of the reasons why I got involved in the AMP-PT. I joined in demonstrations. In 2008 I also joined the demonstrations organized by KNPB. At that time, the highland students were being hunted down. Fanny and I had to flee. We lived in the forest for 5 months with other students, hiding from the police.

Later I stayed with Reverend Sofyan Yoman. This was around the time his book was banned. I was at his house when officers from the national intelligence agency (BIN) and the police came to his house. They wanted to arrest Reverend Sofyan but he said, “This is my land, this is my place. I am the master of my own land. If the president orders you to arrest me, you have to ask, you have to tell the president to come here because I am the president of my own land.” The police and the people from the national intelligence agency left. They didn’t know what to do!

I have witnessed all these things. They are part of the reason why I joined the movement.

Why are you struggling nonviolently? Where does the courage to do that come from?

Fanny Kogoya, Director, Friends of the Earth, Papua

We have to acknowledge that if you are going to struggle nonviolently there will also be victims just the same as if we were to take up arms. It would be a mistake to commit to nonviolent just to avoid suffering. Even though we’re struggling nonviolently the Indonesian state continues to respond violently. They arrest people, beat people, kill people. Often my activist friends say, “What’s the point. If we struggle nonviolently they’re going to beat us, arrest us … if we struggle violently they’ll do the same things”.

Often people join the armed struggle because of their experiences. They’ve had these traumatic experiences and they make a decision to join the armed struggle. Often it’s an emotional reaction. Of course in our culture we also have a history of fighting back, a history of tribal warfare. All Papuans have courage, we are a courageous people. So with these three things – our memories of suffering,  our history and culture and our courage – armed struggle is a real option for us. And there are many people who believe we can only get self-determination through violence.

But Papuans are also a very practical people, we’re not a theoretical people. We know civil resistance can also work. So my dream is to learn more about civil resistance and how it works. I want to go back to the victims of violence, whether they are people who have been involved in the armed struggle or not, and I want to say, “There’s another way, there’s a different way”. Of course it’s difficult to influence those in the jungle who are fighting as a part of the armed struggle but I can influence those in the city and in places where I live to struggle nonviolently.

We have to understand that the Indonesia military receives support from the Americans, from the Australians, from the Dutch. Papuans will never be able to match the weapons the Indonesians have. Unless all of these foreign countries that support the Indonesian state come and take all of their weapons away … but at this stage there is just no way we could ever compete.

So the realistic option that I have is to organize people to struggle nonviolently. If we struggle through civil resistance more people can be involved, old people, young people can be involved. Involving all types of people, the whole Papuan society, can give us a tremendous amount of strength.

Rini Tabuni, secretary of KNPB, Jayapura-Sentani

Actually everyone thinks we Papuans need to take up arms. There are so many reasons why people want to take-up arms and fight back. Some people want to take up arms because they don’t have any trust that the Indonesian government is going to resolve the conflict peacefully but a lot of people want to take up arms because of the experiences that we have, they don’t know any different. But we do. If we take-up arms against Indonesia the response will be so fierce, so sharp, so heavy. But I understand why people feel they have to reply a death for a death, why they want to respond with violence.

If I struggle through violence I am going to experience a number of problems. I’m going to lose a lot of my rights. I’m going to lose my best friends. And people are going to come and steal my rights, steal my land, and kill me. There are other people that are going to come and take over and possess our land. But now I see that there’s an opportunity to resist through nonviolent struggle. People at the grassroots need to know that nonviolent action can be really successful and I can give them evidence of that. We can learn from the examples of other countries. Lots of other countries have gained freedom through nonviolent struggle. People who have faced the same kind of problems as us have found a way through. When people know this they are going to be touched deeply. We can use our culture, our way of life to help our friends understand that actually they can struggle through nonviolent means. I can do this but I can only do all of these things because God is involved, because God’s hand is involved in all of this.

Heni Lani, Aliansi Mahasiswa Papua

The first thing that I have to do is acknowledge is that there is a part of me that sometimes wants to take-up arms. But then I imagine what would happen. I think about the numbers of people that will be wiped out.

Like Fanny and Rina said we also need to compare the strength of Indonesia with the strength that we have. The Indonesian army is trained 24 hours a day, 7 days a week. And their knowledge of military warfare is so far advanced from any knowledge of armed struggle that we have. I can only be brave enough to take up arms when we have the same military strength to face them. But I don’t feel brave to take up arms before then.

I choose to struggle nonviolently. I have experienced these terrible things that have made me strong. But not just I, everyone in Papua have memories of suffering. These experiences are a source of courage for us.

I feel certain that we have to struggle nonviolently. I feel strong when we resist with nonviolent strategies and tactics and our movement isn’t labeled with negative stigmas. People on the outside can see that we’re struggling nonviolently. I don’t feel scared to struggle nonviolently. One of the sources of strength of nonviolent resistance is that it is not only me who is struggling, it’s all of us Papuans working together. We also have amazing leaders, particularly religious leaders who have made us realize that also West Papua is going to be a better place if people struggle nonviolently. More people will be involved. We’re not just talking about forming a new nation we’re also talking about how we can live in the midst of that struggle and you know civil resistance is a better way, it allows us to live better in the midst of struggling for something better. Maybe because I’ve got an understanding and knowledge of civil resistance that I feel brave.

Ice Murib, Chair of the Papuan Women’s Movement

If we could get lots of arms, I think Papuans would struggle violently. But we really don’t have lots of arms. We have some. But it’s nothing compared to what the Indonesia military has.  I know that civil resistance can bring about change but sometimes I have doubts. Maybe we can’t do it through civil resistance because the Indonesian government is a type of tiger. It is a really bad type of tiger that we’re up against. And you know their thinking is, they should just kill us.

What are you struggling for? What do you want?

Fanny Kogoya, Director, Friends of the Earth, Papua 

Speaking personally, we’ve got to get freedom quickly and that has to be through political means. But if I speak from the position of a WALHI Director, we need the support of various groups around the world who love the environment. Papua has the third largest forest. We love the forest and if this forest is destroyed that will have a global impact. People need to realize that what is happening in Papua is not just happening to Papua itself, it is something that is happening to all of us. We need people to work with us. We need institutional support. And we want people to campaign about Papua. We want people to campaign to stop the violence and if we work together we will be successful.

We really need technical assistance with media. We also need to influence other countries, particularly the U.S. America has a big influence so the US should have a really clear and strong policy about Papua. That would be a really good thing. Obviously we want that policy to be in support of freedom. And of course if you look at the history of Papua the US has been really involved. I want to ask all Americans, all U.S citizens, to pressure their government to take responsibility for the fact that Papua is not free.

Rini Tabuni, secretary of KNPB, Jayapura-Sentani 

I want you to know that I want to be free. I want freedom. That’s it. I want to be free.

Heni Lani, Aliansi Mahasiswa Papua

The BIG thing that I want, is for all the Papuan people to be involved in the civil resistance struggle. We have to work together. People can help by doing little things, making shirts and stickers and little things like that. We can start from little things like that.

Tell your friends in Australia and the U.S., “Stop sending military weapons to Indonesia. Stop.” Because whenever we do things we face the military with those arms and those arms are sent by your countries and the military and D88 are being trained by your countries to kill us.

Ice Murib, Chair of the Papuan Women’s Movement

We want to be free. We want you to help us be free. Indonesia doesn’t care about us as people. So the only thing that we want is to be free. We want to be free to live our own life in our own land. 

What is the role of women in the movement?

Fanny Kogoya, Director, Friends of the Earth, Papua 

Women have a really big role in the movement. Sometimes women feel like they are the enemy, that the military and the state see women as the enemy. We have a double challenge that we’re facing. We struggle against Indonesia but we also struggle against patriarchy in the movement. Se we have two enemies: the way women are treated within the movement and the evil and injustice of the state. We are definitely fighting against some of the men within the movement who think we aren’t capable.

We need to struggle so that women are the same within the struggle. I never feel that women are better than men in the struggle. I’m just as great as they are, just as great as the men are. We need to get rid of this view that men are somehow better in the struggle. We need to erase that view. If men and women can have this same view then we will just have one enemy, not two.

In terms of being elected as the director of WALHI, there were actually 2 people going for that position, a man and a woman, but I got the position. I feel proud about that. We are also supported by men’s organizations as well. So you know, this is a sign of our strength.

Rini Tabuni, secretary of KNPB, Jayapura-Sentani

I agree with what Fanny said, we are not just struggling for freedom we’re also struggling for equality within the movement. We can’t retreat from these two things.

Heni Lani, Aliansi Mahasiswa Papua

And of course, the evidence is before you now. These four women here are all providing leadership. The same is true in AMP and KNPB. Women are in leadership positions and telling men what to do, so yeah, we’re already there, we’re already playing positions of leadership in the movement.

Everyone:

All this is just a fraction of what was happening. We could write down our whole history and send it to you but it would be a book! We carry all of the stories of what happened to us and what came before us in us. If we don’t do something, the next generation after us will experience even worse things.

Fanny: But for me, of all of these terrible things that I’ve experienced, the worst thing was the killing of Mako. Mako was a really good friend of mine. And because of Mako’s death we have to struggle. Mako Tabuni really supported me to take a leadership position in WALHI. I became the director on the 13th and Mako was shot down on the 14th. At 5 o’clock I was elected to the position of director, and then at 7 o’clock Mako shook her hand and said, well done, fantastic. And then 8 o’clock the next morning he was shot down.

There are many other things too, Kelly Kwalik’s killing, the killing of Arnold Ap, Theys Eluay’s killing, all those in the forest who have been killed.

Heni: But Indonesia can’t do anything without the assistance of countries like Australia and the US. So we need to put pressure on them. Stop sending arms to Indonesia.

Interview by Alex Rayfield and Claudia King. Photos taken by Javiera.

Article License: Copyright – Article License Holder: West Papua Media

Brimob officer shoots dead mentally ill teenager in Wamena, beat witnesses

by West Papua Media
August 12, 2013
(Apologies for the delay in posting, due to fact checking)
An Indonesian Brimob police officer has shot dead an unarmed mentally ill Lani youth in Wamena on Thursday, after the youth allegedly verbally ridiculed the passing heavily armed police patrol on Jalan Ahmad Yani, according to witnesses interview by West Papua Media stringers.
Irwan Janengga, also known as Irwan Wenda (18) was shot dead without verbal warning by a Brimob anti-terrorist officer from Ambon, BrikPol Lua Lusman from the Jayawijaya brigade, who was a member of a five-man patrol that encountered Janengga outside the police post, according to witnesses interviewed by human rights activists and our stringers.
According to witnesses with the initials AW and BK,  Janengga taunted the officers with nonsensical words and said, “”The plane has landed so (are) storing the goods,” (referring to corruption in the police).  The five man patrol took offence to this taunting, and several members fired two warning shots from their automatic rifles without a verbal warning.  Janengga took no notice of these warning shots, according to the witnesses, and continued his “crazy talk”.
Peluru di Perut Irwan WendaAs the Brimob officers were preparing to shoot Janengga, the two witnesses shouted to BrikPol Lusman, “Just ignore him, he has  nervous disorders of the brain, do not shoot him!”.  Brikpol Lusman ignored this plea, and opened fire on Janengga, aiming multiple shots directly at the legs, abdomen, head and left hand of victim.  Janengga died instantly according to witnesses.
Immediately after the shooting, the 5 police officers began an unprovoked attack and beatings on the two witnesses, and arrested them with force.  Polisi Tembak Kepala Irwan WendaThey were taken then to the Jayawijaya Police HQ, where the witnesses reported to West Papua Media’s stringer that they were forcefully interrogated by police, allegedly with the aim to manipulate the official witness statements of the shooting incident according to BK and AW.  Upon learning of their detention, the victims families demanded the immediate release of the witnesses a demand with which Police complied by early afternoon on Thursday.

Janengga’s body was then brought by another police unit to the General Hospital in Wamena.
The body of Janengga was retrieved from the hospital by his family late on Thursday afternoon, and brought to his home, where the family conducted mourning ceremonies.  At the time of publication, the victim was still unburied.

Irwan Wenda Tiko Kogoya, the victim’s aunt, told human rights workers after learning of the testimony of two witnesses after the shooting. “Our victim’s family is upset over the shooting of our son.”Tempat Penembakan Irwan Wenda
“Our Boy, he was (with) nervous disorders of the brain, he just simply said ‘why police shoot’,” said Tiko Kogoya.

Tiko continued, “we the victim’s family, ask that the perpetrators should be prosecuted in court, act honestly, and be punished accordingly,” she said.
Footage shot by local witnesses has emerged of the aftermath of the shooting, showing local people outraged at another unprovoked killing by Indonesian forces on unarmed  indigenous Papuan citizens.
 Meanwhile Ogram Wanimbo, an activist with the West Papua National Committee (KNPB) Wamena chapter, told our stringer, “The shooting that happened, it is a human rights abuse, since police shot a mentally ill young man because of a nervous breakdown in the brain.. who was sayings word without (being) conscious (of the meaning)”, he said.
Ogram also said “We strongly condemn the perpetrators of the shooting, and we are annoyed by his preaching of the case in local and national media, engineering the chronology of the incident, without interviewing witnesses and families of victims… the fraudulent news does not fit the facts of incident,” he said.
A human rights worker in Wamena told West Papua Media: “This shooting that was done in service of a State mission, that continues to be done, and will be done by the Indonesian invader forces, through military and police in Papua, are unlawful acts under International law, the ICCPR and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, (all of) which have been ratified into law of the Republic of Indonesia.”
WestPapuaMedia

 

Nabire: Brimob Assaults a Civilian Due to Wage Demands

by Oktavianus Pogau  at SuaraPapua.com

June 28, 2013

Nabire – On 26 June 2013, Titua Money, a traditional landowner of Kampung Warmi, Yaur District, Nabire Region, Papua was violated by 3 members of the Mobile Police Brigade of Papua district.  Titus was assaulted due because he protested against PT. Nabire Baru, an oil palm plantation regarding a delay in the payment of his wages.

“It is true that my brother’s face was assaulted with a rifle butt by three members of the Mobile Police Brigade (Brimob) of Papua. His lips were bleeding and busted. His buttocks were assaulted with the rifle butt until it turned blue black,” explained the victim’s brother, Imanuel Money, when he was contacted by suarapapua.com, on Friday (28 June 2013) afternoon.

Before the assault, Imanuel said that his brother was detained and handcuffed by the three policemen, after which they rained repeated blows to his face with a rifle butt.

“After the arrest, the policemen released eight shots in the air to intimidate other workers who were present in the plantation,” Imanuel added.

Imanuel further elaborated that, his brother Titus, had protested to the manager of PT. Nabire Baru due to a delay in the payment of his wages. This practice had become increasingly frequent and without an explanation provided to the workers.

“The delay in the payment of the wages of the workers, including my brother, was a common practice of the plantation, however no one dared to protest because armed police personnel were employed by the plantation to pacify the situation to their benefit,” explained Imanuel.

Imanuel said that he had asked his brother to return to Nabire to attend to his medical needs, however this was prohibited by the management of the plantation.

“The plantation has utilized the mobile police brigade to keep peace in the plantation. To our knowledge the plantation has employed eight mobile police brigade personnel for that purpose. The three mobile police brigade who perpetrated the assault are Sertu Eko, Serda Genta and Sertu Urbanus,” said Imanuel.

Imanuel demanded immediate legal disciplinary action by the Police Inspector General of Papua, Tito Karnavian and Police Adjunct Senior Commissioner of Nabire, Bahara Marpaung against the three personnel.

“As a representative of the kin of the victim I demand that the Police Inspector General of Papua and the Police Adjunct Senior Commissioner of Nabire take due action against the three personnel who perpetrated an inhumane assault against my brother over a trivial matter,” expressed Imanuel.

When contacted by suarapapua.com for confirmation, the Police Adjunct Senior Commissioner, Bahara Marpaung verified the assault by the three police personnel against Titus Money who is an employee of PT Nabire Baru. The Commisioner claimed that Titus had threatened and assaulted the manager in a drunken stupor.

“Mr Titus Money had threatened and assaulted the plantation manager in a drunken stupor. Our personnel meant to calm him down, however Titus had behaved in a disorderly manner and spat on one of the officers. This had enraged the personnel who resorted to severe action to control Titus Money,” explained the Commissioner of Nabire.

The Commissioner also bid the family of the victim to make a formal police report with adequate medical evidence as proof the assault if they wished to proceed with legal action against the three police personnel who had assaulted Titus Money.

“I welcome the family of the victim to make a police report to start the legal process. I am also prepared to meet the family tomorrow at the District Police Station of Nabire, I shall await them,” he urged.

Pt. Nabire Baru is an agribusiness involved in promoting oil plantations. It started its operations in Kampung Sima, Yaur district and Nabire district, three years ago. It has been actively recruiting the local communities in the areas as labourers and workers with very low wages.

 

Contention between representatives of West Papua and Indonesia at the 19th MSG Summit

 

OPINION

By Selpius Bobii

Abepura Prison, 18 June 2013

“ I Baltazar Kambuanya on behalf of both myself and my family most sincerely apologise to the wider Papuan A3 family (of Aitinyo, Ayamaru and Aifat tribes) in the Jayapura area for my involvement in the Indonesian delegation to block West Papua becoming a member of the MSG”  stated the former Rector of the Cenderawasih University (Uncen), who is presently the Indonesian Minister for the Living Environment.  Professor Dr Baltazar Kambuanya M.BA sent this brief message to the wider Papuan family in the Jayapura region on 13 June 2013 to express his apologies for his involvement as a Papuan in the said Indonesian delegation to the 19th Summit of the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) being held in Noumea, New Caledonia from 17 – 23 June 2013. (The theme of the 19th Summit being ‘Melanesian Identity’.)

Can such an apology in this instance be accepted by family, his tribal group and the wider Papuan community generally?  It is not appropriate or proper to expect an apology of this kind at this time to be accepted by the Papuan community that has tried so very hard to look for support and solidarity from our wider Melanesian family in neighbouring Melanesian countries.

There are a number of reasons such an apology in the present circumstances is unacceptable.  Firstly as those Papuans who were asked by the State of Indonesia to join the MSG Summit fully understand and are aware that the nation of Papua has struggled for 50 years for our full independence.  That Papua has been trying so very hard to receive acceptance as a full member of the MSG such that MSG might be a vehicle by which we might head towards accessing the mechanisms of the United Nations (U.N). Yet despite this full awareness they have gone as part of the Indonesian Delegation to the MSG Summit to block the efforts of West Papua to become a full member of the MSG.

Secondly, those individuals concerned joined the Indonesian Delegation to the MSG Summit being of full understanding and awareness that the community of the people of Papua has for 50 years been under the colonial domination of the Republic of Indonesia.  Endless Papuans have been killed, have suffered, have been arrested and imprisoned or have been forced to flee for their lives to the jungle or to other villages or even other nations looking for a safe place as a result of being chased by the Indonesian armed forces.  Those Papuan Indonesian delegates well know that so many Papuan women have been raped, that the Papuan people have been treated so oppressively and have been made a minority in our own lands, discriminated against and marginalised.  Such that we are now heading towards the extinction of our ethnic race as a result.  Even though those delegates know all these things full well, nevertheless they have gone as part of the Indonesian Delegation to block the efforts of the Papuan nation to bring an end to the colonial domination of Papua by Indonesia through a step that would open a door to the official channel of the U.N.

This is the first time in history that the nation of Papua has been invited to an MSG forum officially, with six (6) West Papuans having been formally invited to attend the 19th Summit by the host member country.  Yet this golden opportunity has met with this obstruction from a small number of Papuans themselves who have become the feet and hands of the Republic of Indonesia (RI), the ‘mistress’ of the State of Indonesia.  How very saddening indeed!

The third reason this offered apology cannot be easily accepted is that these persons know that they themselves are Papuans.. They are dark skinned, curly haired, indigenous to the island of Papua and ethnically from the Melanesian group.  They were carried in the womb of and born of Papuan mothers. They grew up with the fruits of the mother earth of Papua.  Yet with full awareness they have gone to the MSG Summit carrying the red and white flag of Indonesia to block the noble efforts of the entire Papuan nation to break the chains of oppression of the Republic of Indonesia by opening a door through the MSG.

The question begs why would these delegates want to obstruct the efforts of West Papua to become a member of the MSG?   There could be a number of reasons behind this including firstly that they have succumbed to the temptation of positions of power, wealth and other comforts offered to them by the State of Indonesia.  Financial wealth and the power of position together with the comforts they bring are indeed bargaining tools with an almost magical power.  They have mortgaged their self-worth for cheap offers that bring but worldly comforts.  They have been blinded by the worldly comforts offered to them, carried away by the current of earthly comforts and enjoyment such that in full awareness they have pawned their very self-worth and at the same time pawned the nation of Papua.

Go ahead and gather your earthly riches as much as you possibly can!  Go ahead and be appointed to whatever positions you like in the Indonesian system!  That is your human right and we will not stop you.  But do not again and again sell-out the noble struggle of the nation of Papua for such riches, positions of power and other comforts!  Do not again and again insult and humiliate the Struggle of the people of Papua with actions so vile.  Countless Papuans have died for this Struggle for freedom and have suffered in the depths of the jungles, in the valleys, in the coastal areas, in the mountains, in the prisons and by fleeing the land of their ancestors to foreign lands.

How ironic that the cleverness of those who have been well-educated and have become prominent intellectuals of Papua has been turned around and used to reinforce the colonial domination of their own families, their own tribal groups and their people by defending the Indonesian oppression.  They have been carried in the womb and born to mothers of Papua, have been raised and financially supported to bring about good for their families, tribes and nation and those around them.  Yet they have forgotten and do not know who they are.  They have allowed the colonizing state of Indonesia to lead them blindly by the hand and have prostituted themselves to RI and in so doing have prolonged the oppression towards their family, their tribes and the nation of West Papua.

They have in fact become a part of the very colonial systems of RI that has continually until the present time dominated and oppressed the nation of Papua.  Or are the actions of these Papuan Indonesian delegates to the MSG Summit caused by them feeling forced to do something that is in fact in conflict with their very consciences.  Indeed at times there are appointments of people to certain positions who are asked to take an oath to be faithful to the Republic of Indonesia, then as proof of their loyalty to RI they are required to do whatever is instructed of them by their superior.   If this was the case with these Papuans then it is nevertheless again a pawning of their self-worth in return for positions of power and the ideology of their people has been ‘sold-out’ for the ideology of a foreign nation.  This amounts to a betrayal of and a  traitorous act against the noble Struggle of the nation of Papua.

How deeply distressing that at the very same time the entire West Papuan community is struggling to find a way out from the colonial domination by the Republic of Indonesia, that there are some Papuans who are dancing upon the blood and tears of the entire West Papuan people!  Papuans who are obstructing the very road that leads to the liberation of the Papuan nation.  That at the same time Papuans are struggling so hard to bring an end to the oppression by RI in the land of Papua that there are certain Papuans that are in fact defending the colonial domination.  Papuans who are saying nothing against the oppression and who take no interest in uncovering the truth of what is going on.

These actions to obstruct the efforts of West Papua to become a member of the MSG are not done because of some defect or because of some lack of knowledge or understanding; rather these actions are taken with full awareness and comprehension of the problems faced by the Papuan people. These persons concerned clearly do not know who they really are, they do not know Papuan customary law and decency and do not know religious teachings. It is appropriate that they be called ‘traitors’.

It has been made publicly known that six (6) West Papuans led by Dr John Otto Onawame, had been invited to attend the MSG Summit being held from 17 – 23 June 2013 by the Host member.  This delegation includes Dr John Otto Onawame, Reck Rumaikiek, Andi Ayamiseba, Paula Makabori, and former Vanuatu Prime Minister Barack Sope as an advisor and one other delegate.  These persons representing Papua have been given an opportunity to convey the struggle of the nation of Papua and our longing to see an end to the colonial domination of our land and people by Indonesia; and to convey our longing to become an official member of the MSG as a first step in West Papua moving towards accessing  the mechanisms of the U.N. However at the very moment these representatives of Papua will be facing the challenge in the MSG forum, they will also be faced with those Papuans – the ‘mistress’ of the State of Indonesia – who have been officially sent by the State of Indonesia.  A delegation led by the Indonesian Ambassador responsible for travelling around visiting nations in the Pacific  Maikel Manufandu and Prof. Dr Baltazar Kambuaya  (In fact there have been a number of delegations sent by Indonesia to Noumea, New Caledonia in Indonesia’s efforts to obstruct West Papua being accepted as a member of the MSG).  Just imagine, within a highly respected MSG Summit gathering there being two groups of indigenous Papuans present, each with a different viewpoint and with goals that are vastly different! With one viewpoint being conveyed by the representatives of the nation of Papua and another by representatives of the State of Indonesia!

Within the MSG Summit the Papuan Representatives will convey the struggle of the people of Papua against the oppression of Indonesia and its allies and convey the importance of Papua coming out from that colonial domination and having full independence recognised. Yet at the very same time those Papuan representatives will be faced with a totally different viewpoint by the representatives of the State of Indonesia, that conveys the need for the Republic of Indonesia to continue its oppression of the indigenous peoples of Papua through their various strategies. The latter will argue how they must defend its colony of Papua in the interests of RI and its allies through ‘security’ approaches, social/cultural programs, law and welfare development programs, programs all that are all but shams. All with the aim of defending the land of Papua within the framework of the Republic of Indonesia. The leaders of the Melanesian nations at the MSG Summit will be considering the situation from these two opposing viewpoints heard.

Contention between these two representative delegations – from the Papuan nation and Indonesia – will reach its peak at the time of the final decision from the forum of the 19th MSG Summit.  There are but two possible outcomes from the MSG Forum.  The first with the Indonesian State Representatives successfully convincing certain leaders of the MSG of  Indonesia’s case and in so doing defeating the efforts of West Papua to become a full MSG member and thereby bringing victory to the State of Indonesia and its allies.  A victory that would not be noble, not be dignified or reflective of democracy; rather which would be a victory that is ‘dirty’ which has been engineered and which is based only on the economic and political interests of RI and its allies.  If this occurs it will mean that certain Melanesian countries will have been either influenced by a range of cheap offers or perhaps influenced by the viewpoint of the State of Indonesia which is but mere rhetoric.  If this is the outcome it will mean that the nations of Melanesia in fact have chosen to see West Papua continue to be sacrificed; have chosen to see the demands of the community of Papua ignored,  the solidarity of Melanesians neglected and the goal of the MSG Forum to make a stand in fact violated. It will mean that the nations of Melanesia do not recognise the people of West Papua as part of the wider Melanesian family.

However if it eventuates that this is the outcome, then let us be optimistic as there is still time in the years to come and we still have the Lord Almighty. Together with the Lord and in solidarity with the international community we will continue to struggle to face this terrible wind and storm regardless, as a united strong force heading towards the harbour of total freedom.

The second possible outcome from the MSG Forum is that the Papuan Delegation will be successful in convincing the MSG leaders of the Papuan nation’s case, with the result that West Papua will be received as a full member of the MSG. If this is the outcome it will mean that the victory will lie with the nation of Papua and that will indeed be a victory of faith in God, a victory of the truth and of justice and a  victory for international solidarity.  This outcome will mean that the Melanesian nations have heard the cries and hopes of the people of Papua for this last 50 years under the colonial domination of Indonesia and that MSG has recognised the people of West Papua ethnically as part of the Melanesian group.  With such an outcome we will step forward led by the Lord and together with the wider family of Melanesia and with international solidarity we will pass through this terrible wind and storm and head towards the harbour of total liberation.

At this time from behind iron bars in the Abepura State Prison the Writer calls for:

  1. Those concerned to STOP SELLING-OUT THE NATION OF PAPUA;
  2. Each individual that has prostituted themself in the politics of Indonesia and has ‘sold-out’ or obstructed the Struggle of the nation of Papua, to immediately wake up to what you have done/are doing and to be regretful of your actions and repent;
  3. To every Papuan person if you know of any member of your family or clan that has ‘sold-out’ the Struggle of the nation of Papua, that they be warned strictly whether orally or in writing;
  4. To the honourable leaders of the MSG to receive West Papua as a full member of the MSG Forum

Let us unite our ranks and step forward together to break the chains of the oppression of the Republic of Indonesia and its allies and to head towards the harbour of total freedom, which so long ago became the longing of the people of Papua and of those who stand in sympathy with us. Amen!

Selpius Bobii is the General Chairperson of  Front PEPERA West Papua, and is a Papuan Freedom Political Prisoner in the Abepura Prison, Jayapura, West Papua. 

This article was submitted directly by Bobii to West Papua Media and published as part of our commitment to amplify the opinions of civil resistance movement leaders inside Papua.

Deforestation of the Nabire Region continues from HPH to the oil palm plantation (Part 1)

by Sin Nombre (Mongabay-Indonesia),  

May 29, 2013

https://i0.wp.com/www.mongabay.co.id/wp-content/uploads/2013/05/Hutan-hutan-keramat-Nabire-yang-dibongkar.jpg
Nabire sacred forests are dismantled (photo: Mongabay Indonesia)

Approximately 55 kilometres on the West of Nabire region of Papua Province unfolds a large amount of forest that is owned by a large tribe called the Yerisiam. This tribe has 4 (four) sub tribes namely Wauha, Akaba, Karoba and Sarakwari. The area with tens of thousands hectares is situated at the shoreline of Cenderawasih Bay.

Apart from the sea, the forest has been the source of life for these four tribes from which they obtain sago, traditional medicine and it’s their hunting ground. There is also a sacred place believe to be the resting place of the spirits of their forefathers.

The situation changed since 1990-1991 when HPH (Forest Concession) Company, PT Sesco entered Wanggar and Yaro districts and took bars of Merbau wood. The chairperson of the Cooperative Society, Yunus Kegou, said that the company ended its operation in 2000 and left many broken promises.

“At that time, the company hadn’t paid Rp.40 million which is approximately A$3900 with the count of Rp.1000 per cubic meter with is equivalent to A$0.95. The request from the local which are 4 motors, 4 chainsaws and 1 vehicle for the locals to use hasn’t been paid till present,” said Kegou.

In 2003, three companies entered and established in this area, namely PT. Pakartioga, PT. Junindo and PT. Kalimanis (PT Jati Dharma Indah).  Allegedly, these companies changed their names from PT. Sesco to PT. Pakartioga, and the HPH (forest concession holder) to the name PT. Junindo, and PT Jati Dharma Indah (JDI) to the the name PT. Kalimanis.  In the HPH permit, the operating period of JDI ends on 2017, with the permit of operation on the West and East of the Nabire Region  – a huge part of Cenderawasih Bay.

The presence of all these companies left many opaque stories. Their social responsibilities are negative, labourers were imported, and the experiences with transmigrant and the outsiders created conflicts not only with in the civilians but with the companies as well.

Erens Rumbobiar, the Chief of Makimi village situated on the eastern side of Nabire town, said that the conflicts with the locals occurred several times, and were the logging companies fault at that time.  One of the cases that stimulated conflict was when Jordan and Paulus Ha’o permitted logging company PT. Barito to chop down the trees and turn them into logs, not knowing that the area is a customary land of Sefnat Monei.  The conflict almost ended up in physical attacks (according to Customary Law) so the matter was taken to Didimus Warai’s residence,  who as the Chief of Wate’s tribe, solved it. People that were present at that time represented their clan which were Utrech Inggeruhi, Simon Hanebora as a witness for Sefnat Monei, Nikanor Monei and Jordan Ha’o.

In 2007, JDI that had been permitted to operate till 2017 invited PT Harvest Raya Company from Korea to start the oil palm plantation in the region. The locals refused PT Harvest Raya because it is thought to be threatening their future and future of their generations. However, this refusal produced polemic within the Monei clan whereby Sefnat Monei as the owner of the customary land refused, but his children allowed the exploitation of the land to be carried out.

This time, PT. Nabire Baru (NB), another oil palm company entered and settled in two of the villages in Yaur District of Nabire Region namely Sima and Wami village. This concession is located with the Northern side bordered by the ocean of Cenderawasih Bay, and the Southern side bordered by the JDI production forest and Wami village.  The western side borders the road connecting Nabire – Wasior and also PT. Sariwarna Adiperkasa HPH, and the Eastern side of the area borders the production forest, Jaya Mukti village, and Wanggar River.

The company is said by local villagers to be building communication with the local people in the area which led up to a thanksgiving at the early 2010. Traditional prayer was carried out as a start of the business and the compensation of the land was agreed as Rp.6, 000,000,000 which is equivalent to A$600,000. This agreement is said to be completed without the involvement of JDI.

Afterwards, several individuals persuaded Nabire Regional Government to issue new permits.  After the thanksgiving, the people demanded the government solve the HPH land issue so it doesn’t interfere with the oil palm plantation. Eventually local people were driven by few individuals sign a petition on a piece of white cloth, and took it to the Parliament office in Nabire with the hopes that the issue of the location is solved.

The reason was that JDI has long left the area and there was no communication with the indigenous people even though the permit HPH is still valid.  At that time, Benyamin Karet the Setda (Regional Secretariat) for Nabire Region, said that the status of the area of 17,000 hectares was problematic because it’s still owned by PHP JDI.  That area itself had not been plotted for oil palm plantation, but driven by the persuasion of the indigenous people, Nabire Regional Government issued a permit in the form of the Regent’s decision.  The principle of the cultivation permit is that the funding is issued by an Investor’s Agency on 21 of September 2010.

Nabire Regent Isaias Douw, said the indigenous people admitted that the location is safe and can be used NB.  “There had been a conversation between the company and the indigenous people and had been an agreement with the locals. Therefore, we issued a permit to the investor because the locals demanded,” he said.

However, the Regional Government knew there would be a problem with JDI, they therefore asked the locals and NB to solve the problematic location with the companies PHP. At that time, the activists blamed NB and JDI as if they deliberately stirred up the conflict in deceiving the locals of taking merbau wood from their area.

NB Consultant, PT Widya Cipta Buana, led by Iwan Setyawan, at the public consultation analysis in regards to the environmental impact (AMDAL) in early May 2013, explained in Sima Village that the company “is based on the Environmental Act, Government’s rules and policies, and even the rules and policies of the Minister of Environment Number 16 and 17 of 2012 concerning the Guidelines for community involvement in the EIA (Environment Impact Assessment), and an environment permit process. “From the legal perspective, the company has feasibility to carry out the activities”.

NB started the business in 2011 and recruited more than 1250 labours. In 2012, the company applied for the extension of the permit (which was granted via the) Regent’s decree number 71 2012 dated 24th of July 2012 about extending the location permit. The trees were then chopped down and turn into logs, and were taken out of Nabire, when the owner of the land protested.

The data collected by Mongabay, shows from the permit of 17,000 hectares, the area that was cultivated were 12.438,77 hectares including the conduit and the path in the garden and the cultivated area of 10.758.00 hectares. The rest include 1.851.88 hectares of the beach, 1.957.38 hectares of the river, 688,32 hectares of hills and the sacred places, 63,69 hectares of sago plantation and the nursery of 224,82 hectares. In 2013, the plan to cultivate is approximately 2.500 hectares, 4.500 hectares will be in 2014 and around 3.428 hectares will be in 2015. The factory will be built around 2015 with the processing capacity of 90 tonnes an hour.

Mr Kim, the owner of the company, claimed that he has been given the permit for 200,000 hectares of land and 20 other companies in Nabire Region and the surroundings, including several gold companies in Topo and Batu Bara area at the Eastern part of Nabire. Kim didn’t mention the details of all the companies that he owns.

To Be Continued…

 Translated by West Papua Media

Create a website or blog at WordPress.com

Up ↑