Indonesian Police arrest 4, beat & shoot rubber bullets to disperse Mako Tabuni’s assassination commemoration in Jayapura

15 June 2022

by WestPapuaMedia Eds

West Papuan activists peacefully marking the 10th anniversary of the assassination of West Papua National Committee (KNPB) Chairman Mako Tabuni, were violently dispersed using rubber bullets and beatings by Indonesian police in Jayapura on Tuesday June 14.

2 protestors sustained penetration injuries from rubber bullets fired point-blank, and a further 8 sustained injuries from severe beatings. 4 protestors, Vara Iyaba, Ferry Molama, Emani Pahabol & Wene Beni Hiluka, were arrested by Police. The four were released on 15 June.

The KNPB commemoration was held at the Waena roundabout, the site of the 14 June 2012 assassination of Tabuni by a death squad from the Australian-trained Detachment 88 counter terror unit, was a small and peaceful gathering, but at approximately 1pm Jayapura time, 5 truckloads of heavily armed Dalmas Police attacked the gathering of students sitting on the ground singing with guitars.

KNPB spokesperson Ones Suhuniap told WestPapuaMedia, “At 1pm, 5 Dalmas trucks of joint TNI POLRI arrived at the P3 Waena taxi round, then (the protest was) forcibly dispersed by the TNI-Polri without negotiating with the masses, beating with rubber, tear gas,and shooting rubber bullets.”

Jayapura Police disband Mako Tabuni assassination memorial gathering, June 14, 2022.

8 people were injured from beatings. They were :
1. Jhon S Kadepa, on the head of the forehead.
2. Kikibi Pigai, on the soles of the feet
3. Manu Tinal, on the legs and eyebrows
4. Benediktus Tebai, hit in the palms
5. Nopen Tulama, in the palm of the hand
6. Jendri Wanimbo, hit in the cheek
7. Natan Pigai, hit with a weapon on the head, and in the hand
8. Fransiskus Petege, hit in the spine with a weapon

Coswin Tabyor was shot in the right buttocks by point blank rubber bullets, and Yuber Kalakmabin was shot in the waist. Both suffered deep penetration wounds.

The arrests follow a significant upsurge in Police violence against peaceful protestors, after the Jayapura Police Chief Gustav R. Urbinas began to issue aggressive orders criminalising all West Papuan dissent ahead of the Papuan People’s Petition (PRP) mobilisations in May, resisting the creation of new provinces and reimposition of the failed Special Autonomy package.
On both May 10 and June 3, PRP demonstrations were brutally attacked with live fire and rubber bullets, resulting in scores of injuries and arrests.

Witnesses to the latest police violence have called for international condemnation of Indonesia’s criminalisation of peaceful dissent and repeated acts of excessive and disproportionate violence against unarmed and peaceful Papuan protestors .

/WPM

HRD Report: Information on Internally Displaced People in West Papua – Oksibil

by Solidarity for Indigenous Papuans

Information on Internally Displaced People in West Papua – Oksibil

Above: West Papua map showing the active conflict zones in West Papua including the IDPs location. (Source: google map, additional graphics by Solidarity for Indigenous Papuans)

General information on internally displaced people in conflict zones in West Papua
  • Since 1st December 2018 West Papua people in Nduga have been displaced from their homes for four years now. There were 12 districts in Nduga regency completely destroyed, more than 45 000 people have been displaced living in the neighbouring regencies up to date.
  • Like the situation in Nduga, Puncak people have also been displaced for four years now living with relatives in other regencies, most of the IDPs from Puncak is not known because the media is blocked from going in to the area.
  • People of West Papua in Yahukimo regency have also been displaced for the last four years most of them living in the jungles away from public facilities. The information about IDPs in Yahukimo is also not known.
  • The people of West Papua in Intan Jaya have been taking refuge in the neighbouring Paniai and Nabire regencies for the last three years. Their information is also not often published regularly. Most of the IDPs from Intan Jaya, Puncak and Nduga are living in Mimika regency including the people from the mining village of Banti displaced in 2020.
  • Recent armed conflict in Maybrat has also caused displacement in the Bird’s head region; people are still living in the jungles since last month’s incident in Maybrat regency.
  • The Star Mountain regency has been in conflict since 2018, displacement was under control until the 13th September incident in Kiwirok and Okhika districts.
  • Estimated total of Internally Displaced People is around 90 000 to 100 000 people and is expected to increase when the conflict intensifies throughout West Papua.
Situation of Internally Displaced people in Kiwirok and Okhika districts Star Mountain Regency

There are 12 villages in district Kiwirok including the district headquarters. People from the villages have been displaced since the 13th of September 2021. Some ran to the jungles while others moved to the Kiwirok Church compound. People who are sheltered by the church are mostly women, children, elderly, and the sick.

The burning and destruction in Okhika district was done by Indonesian military and not the OPM. Most of the destroyed buildings were residential houses and not public facilities. The whereabouts of the people from Okhika are not known to date. Most of them ran into the jungles to cover from Indonesian attacks. It is expected that people from these districts will migrate to Telefomin and Green River districts of Sandaun province in Papua New Guinea. The total population of district Okhika and Kiwirok combined is estimated to be around six thousand people.

The people who have been displaced since 13th of September 2021 who are under the church protection need food and other supplies. Neighbouring districts are contributing food and firewood to the displaced people. The supplies could not last long and need urgent food supplies to keep the people fed. Schools and other public amenities have been closed and children are deprived of their right to education.

Above: Women and children from Kiwirok district displaced by the armed conflict

Above: The elderly, women and children including men in Kiwirok district displaced by the armed conflict.

Above: Food and firewood contributed from local people for the IDPs.

Government and NGO Response

The Indonesian government has not been responsive since 2018 IDP crisis in Nduga. Only the local government is responsive to supply food and basic supplies from time to time. The government has not formed special teams to investigate what is happening within the IDP communities and or addressing their situation.

We have witnessed churches and CSOs build solid support base for the IDPs in West Papua throughout the conflict zones. These brave deeds were not without blockage by Indonesian military and police though. Many church workers were killed due to their care for the IDPs, CSOs blocked from reaching the IDPs or food aid stolen by the military from the airports. Indonesian military and police often check every item on the plane to the conflict zones. Anything that is heading towards the IPD camps is confiscated at the airports including food and other basic supplies.

Appeal

Indonesian military and police have been confiscating food for IDPs from the airports which is a violation of the existing humanitarian law. The military and police have been consistently checking backs and confiscating food since 2018. We are appealing to the international community to urge Indonesia to allow food and medical assistance to reach the IDPs throughout West Papua conflict zones.

Prepared by Solidarity for Indigenous Papuans

Extension of Special Autonomy Law Number 21 of 2001 for West Papua by Indonesian Parliament: A One-sided Policy implementation

by Solidarity for Indigenous Papuans

Facts on the Special Autonomy

The much talked about Special Autonomy Law Number 21 of 2001 was officially extended on 15th July 2021 through the Second Amendment Bill to Law Number 21 of 2001 in the Indonesian Parliament. Summary of facts covered as reported by various media outlets are as follows;

  • the extension was finalized and approved for endorsement through the Second Amendment Bill of Law Number 21 of 2001
  • the government focus on amending only three articles; Article 1 on general provisions, Article 34 on Special Autonomy Fund for Papua, and Article 76 on Territorial Expansion
  • the new articles added to the existing law were only 20 articles, which mainly were added or extended in Articles 1, 34 and 76.
  • apart from the three articles reviewed, no other articles from the previous law were removed or adjusted; the Minister for Home Affairs confirmed that “the content of the law has not changed, but funds have to be extended and increased.”
  • The Indonesian Parliament agreed that all Papuans they have consulted approve of the extension of Special Autonomy

The general feeling in Papua has different narratives from that held by Indonesian leaders in Jakarta and their collaborators in Papua. It was fortunate that the government-controlled media smooth over the rough edges of the Autonomy narrative, avoided publicising views from the Papuan public. The fact remains that all indigenous Papuans rejected outright its extension. A total of 105 organisations, including the support organisations from neighbouring countries, formed a resistance group inside West Papua put up consistent protests at meeting venues, only to be met by heavy police and military beatings and hefty jail terms.

Consultation Initiative for the Special Autonomy

Consultation for the extension was organized in ways that only seek approval from the public and avoided criticism, complaints, or adjustments from the Papuans’ side. Three separate factions initiated their schedules for consultations with Papuan people; (1) initiated by Papuan People’s Assembly in Papua (MRP) and Papuan Provincial Parliamentarians (DPRP) under Article 77 of Special Autonomy Law, (2) initiated by Special Committee for the Special Autonomy (DPD PANSUS), and (3) initiated by Indonesian Parliamentarians.

According to Article (77) of Special Autonomy Law Number 21 of 2001, the changes to the law has to be done by Papuans through MRP, DPRP and Governor of Papua province in consultation with the Papuans. Thus, the setup of the Special Team for Special Autonomy and direct involvement by Indonesian Parliamentarians were not in the spirit of the law.

The exclusion in the discussion and contribution to Special Autonomy prompted MRP to appeal to the constitutional court in Jakarta to seek its interpretation of Article (77) on 16th June 2021. The court did not hand the decision to date due to political interference. The MRP was forced to withdraw the case on 21st July 2021. The Parliamentarians passed the Second Amendment Bill on 15th July 2021, extending the Special Autonomy Law Number 21 of 2001.

Groups Consulted in Papua

The three groups set up two separate camps to review the Special Autonomy Law, Jakarta and Jayapura. The Jakarta group set up the Indonesian Research Institute (LIPI) and the University of Gaja Mada (UGM) to research and draft the law. In contrast, the Jayapura group set up the university of Cenderawasih to do the review. The Jakarta group has a separate list of Papuans to consult in Papua, and the Jayapura group has its list with different schedules.

The Jayapura group, led by MRP/MRPB1, conducted consultations throughout Papua and West Papua provinces. The approach appeared fair for the ordinary people and civil society, including the opposition groups who presented petitions against the Special Autonomy in several regencies. In Pegunungan Bintang, Yahukimo, Paniai, Jayapura, Manokwari and Sorong presented petitions against the extension of Special Autonomy. The people at the grassroots level trusted the first group led by the MRP/MRPB.

The Jakarta group led by the Special Team scheduled five days for a visit to Jayapura and Manokwari. They listed the following names for their consultation; (1) Governor, (2) Regional Leaders (FORKOPIMDA), (3) Papuan Provincial Parliamentarians (DPRP/PB), (4) Papuan People’s Assembly Members (MRP/MRPB), (5) Provincial Rep. of National Intelligence Organization (BINDA), (6) Association of Indonesian Lecturers in Jayapura (7) Forum for Regional Leaders, (8) Forum for inter-religious group, (9) Special Autonomy Review Team in Jayapura, and (10) Cenderawasih University. They scheduled for five days from 26th to 30th April 2021.

Another Jakarta group led by Indonesian Parliamentarians (DPR RI) had their separate schedule for consultation with the Papuan side on 1st April 2021. The group met (1) Governor, (2) Indonesian Military Commander in Papua (Pangdam Cenderawasih), (3) Papua Provincial Police Commander, (4) Papua provincial Chief Judge, (5) Chairman of Papuan People’s Assembly, (6) Chairman of Papua Parliamentrians, and (7) Regional leaders and town mayors in Papua province.

Consultation and Review Results

The consultation and review results of the Papuan side led by MRP/MRPB disappeared in thin air between Jakarta and Jayapura. The petition collected from the Papuans, main discussions about human rights and dialogue between Jakarta and Jayapura, including the opposition groups, were vaporised into thin air living the original review and consultations from the Jakarta side to endorsement by the Indonesian Parliament. It was a shadow play that Indonesian intelligence (BIN) designed and played hard from the sidelines, directing the flow towards Jakarta.

Indonesians called “wayang kulit”, an Indonesian shadow play myth often told and played in Indonesian cinemas. The MRP/MRPB group was only a decoy to attract Papuans’ attention to their side, so the actual moves from Jakarta are implemented undisturbed.

During the parliament session, Mr Komarudin Watubun the chairman of the Special Committee for the Autonomy concluded that “discussions about the Special Autonomy was conducted well in the spirit of brother-hood.”2 Mr Yan Mandenas, his deputy added that the process of consultation was done according to “normal policy processes and procedures and satisfied all the existing government’s requirements”3 according to the available laws of the country.

Peoples’ representation

The people consulted in Papua do not represent most Papuans because they were members of the “Barisan Merah Putih” (BMP)(Red and White movement). The BMP group is organized by the Indonesian military and police, forcing people to love Indonesia and hate other people who are against the Indonesian state ideology. These people are descendants of the “1025” selected to participate in the “Act of Free Choice” in 1969. This group of Papuans are well-looked after by the Indonesian government. They continue to receive monthly allowances from the Indonesian government to compensate for their part in the 1969 saga and formed the stronghold for Indonesia in Papua. They have no connection with the West Papua independence struggle either.

It was a pre-planned process with name lists prepared by the Badan Intelijen Negara (BIN) State Intelligence Organization with venues scheduled and dates fixed for the events. They also listed Church leaders, customary leaders, students and intellectuals that were aligned with the views of the Red and White group. People selected to represent Papuan’s view were mainly from West Papua province and coastal regions which traditionally allied with Indonesians most often or do not dare to talk aggressively like the highlanders. Indonesia is indirectly creating ethnic divisions as a method of divide and rule, which appears to be colonial in its approach to Papuan issues.

Excluded Groups

The excluded groups in Papua are led by Petisi Rakyat Papua4 (PRP) (Petition for the People of Papua). The PRP group is a collective group consisted of 105 civil society based organizations, including politically charged organizations such as the West Papua National Committee (KNPB) and others whose leaders are at the forefront. The groups appeared to be formidable and aspire to continue in whatever way possible to halt the implementation of the Special Autonomy.

From experience, the opposition to the Special Autonomy Law at the beginning could be a bad sign for Indonesia as it cannot teach new tricks to the Papuans. Papuans have grown thick skin over the years of the Indonesian’s undignified treatments, and it looks like the opposition would continue to grow in the months and years ahead. The Special Autonomy review and consultation was done in a secret and undemocratic way that violated the rights of the people of Papua. The failure of the first part of Special Autonomy experienced from 2001 to 2020 will be repeated in the second part of the Special Autonomy. Indonesians are ignorant of the reality existing in Papua.

Expected fulfilment of SDG 2030 in Papua under Special Autonomy

The last five (5) years of implementing Sustainable Development Goals Agenda 2030 (SDG 2030) since 2015 has catapult Indonesia’s economic success. It has enabled Indonesia to invest heavily into education, health, agriculture, commerce and other sectors of the economy boosting living standards and creating millions of jobs for its 273 million people. However, the economic miracle that Indonesia enjoyed over the years occurred at the expense of mounting human rights violations5 and environmental destruction in Papua. The suppression of Indigenous peoples rights, LGBT rights, People With Disability, minority rights, and environmental destruction in Papua and Boneo Islands where vast forests are being destroyed are a few areas that the Indonesian government has been overlooking in the last five years.

West Papua region in Indonesia tells the exact opposite of Indonesia’s success story over the same period that seems to paint a negative image on Indonesia. The much talked about and promoted Special Autonomy for Papua is nothing but a tool for Indonesian diplomatic advancement to cover its human rights violation record in West Papua. Indonesia treats West Papua as its number one priority in international relations, perfecting any defects coming out of the province in every international forum that smells human rights in Indonesia focusing on Papua. It is uncertain that the existing negative record would likely to improve with the extension of the autonomy package. Already, violated SDG principles from the beginning when the Indonesians excluded Papuans from taking part in the review and consultation process.

BY Solidarity for Indigenous Papuans (SIP)

1 Majelist Rakayat Papua/Majelis Rakyat Papua Barat (Papuan Peoples’ Assembly Members/West Papua Peoples’ Assembly Members) the Special Autonomy covers both provinces.

2 DPR and Government Approve Papua Otsus Bill (voaindonesia.com)

3 DPR Affirms the Discussion of The Revision of the Papua Otsus Law Is Final and Constitutional – Tribunnews.com

4 Papuan People’s Petition (petisirakyatpapua.org)

5 Johnny Blades a senior journalist at Radio New Zealand International describes the human rights conditions in West Papua here; West Papua: The Issue That Won’t Go Away for Melanesia (lowyinstitute.org)

Families of TNI victims in Ilaga, Puncak call on Indonesia to stop killing them in open video plea

From WestPapuaMedia sources, translated and edited for clarity by WPM

December 23, 2020

VIDEO STATEMENT OF ATTITUDE OF COMMUNITY AND FAMILY OF VICTIMS IN ILAGA, PUNCAK DISTRICT

(Subtitling unavailable currently)

An impassioned video statement was made yesterday of the family attitude of the victims of Atonius Murib, Arkis Alom, Les Mosip, Wenis Wenda, killed by the Indonesian military in Puncak Ilaga district.

The statement is conveyed in a video to the Government of Indonesia, and submitted to the Puncak/Ilaga Regency Government, the Regional Representative Council of the Puncak Regions, and the Indonesian National Army / Police in Puncak.

The statement in question was conveyed openly, after hundreds of Puncak Regency people and victims’ families read and conveyed a written and open attitude and circulated in the form of videos, then posted on WhatsApp group “The Spirit Of Papua” (SOP), on December 22, 2020.

In the oration, the representatives of the Puncak community were entrusted to convey a message to the Regional Representative Council, the central Government and the leaders of the Indonesian National Army / POLRI, calling for local peoples’ aspirations to be respected.


The field coordinator said that for the sake of officials or certain interests to not obstruct these recommendations, and again asked the people present with the question “agree”, they spontaneously stated “that we agreed”. Then the demands were read out in front of the Puncak regional government. The field coordinator asked the journalists who were also present to take pictures and record them.

“In the name of the shooting victims, Atonius Murib, Arkis Alom, Les Mosip, Wenis Wenda, in the wilderness of Libaga on Friday, November 20, 2020, we hereby, as a large family of victims, declare our distress towards the shooting of victims committed by the State apparatus towards civil society.”

  1. We, the victims’ families, ask the president of Rebuplik Indonesia, Ir. Joko Widodo, Menkopolhukam (Coordinating Minister for Political, Legal and Security Affairs) General Prabobo Subianto, to immediately withdraw all non-organic Indonesian National Army / POLRI members who have occupied all corners of Papua
  2. We, the victim’s family, along with all levels of society, ask the Regent and Deputy Regent of the Puncak Regency Regional Representative Council to limit the acceptance of members of the Indonesian National Army and Polri who are not on permanent duty in the Puncak Regency area.
  3. We, the victim’s family, order the Indonesian Commission for Human Rights Republic, to immediately and thoroughly investigate the perpetrators of the shooting of 5 victims, 4 of whom died and 1 was seriously injured.
  4. We, the victim’s family, asked not to suffer a new barracks for the Indonesian National Army and additional Polri in the Gome area, Kodim 1714, Puncak Regency, which are currently being built.
  5. We, the victims’ families, order the Indonesian government of Republic, to immediately open access for foreign journalists to enter the Land of Papua to directly cover all violations of human rights in the Papuan homeland.
  6. We, the victim’s family, along with all levels of society in the Puncak Regency, reject Special Autonomy Volume II from Puncak Regency, West Papua Province 100% (completely).

Because the (so-called) autonomy of high-ranking officials must be satisfied, many people become victims and are considered animals or trash…. with that we people agree that Special Autonomy must be rejected, 100%.

Ilaga 21 December 2020
It is signed by the representatives of the dead victim’s family.

  1. Nius Tabuni on behalf of victim Atonius Murib
  2. Yunius Alom on behalf of Alom Arkis Victim
  3. Pombunggen Kogoya, the victim on behalf of Les Mosip
  4. Marius Wenda, the victim on behalf of Wenis Wenda

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