West Papua's Independent Human Rights Media

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Papuan MP says the Aimas Incident was engineered

Tabloid JUBI
17 May 2013

A Papuan member of the Indonesian parliament, DPR-RI, Diaz Gwijangge said that he believes the the recent incident in the District of Aimas, Region of Sorong, West Papua on 30 April when two people were killed had been engineered.

‘I believe that this incident was stage-managed and unfortunately it led to the deaths of two Papuans and has attracted international attention. The action seems not to have proceed as intended and resulted in the death of two Papuans which has attracted international intention.These days, Papua is under the international spotlight; this is a fact that cannot been denied,’ he said.

He also questioned the decision that investigation into the Aimas incident would be conducted by the police. In his opinion, the investigations should be conducted by an independent organisation so as to ensure that everything is above-board and people do not think that something is being concealed.

‘Why should the institution which was involved in the incident be the ones to conduct the investigation? It is necessary to ensure that the investigations are properly carried out and are seen to be fair so as to ensure that nothing is being concealed. It seems to me,’ he said, ‘that there is an attempt to hide something. We have Komnas HAM, (the National Human Rights Commission) and other organisations or the churches which could handle this case. Why have they not been involved?’

He also said he was not convinced that a Bintang Kejora, a Morning Star Flag, had been found, belonging to the local community as well as a membership card, which the police were claiming as evidence, during their sweepings in the area, as the police are claiming.

‘These can easily be said to have been found during searches that took place during the sweeping because no one else was involved in the investigations.. How do we know that this is true? It is just the old refrain  and the local people are the ones who get blamed.’

He went on to say that once again, some Papuans have been killed. Such an occurrence is not going to solve the problems in Papua. On the contrary, it will only mean that  the situation in Papua continues to get international attention.

‘We must find a solution that is beneficial for all sides. Killing Papuans is not going to solve anything. The security forces are only drawing attention yet again to the human rights violations that are occurring in Papua,’ he said.

Translated by TAPOL


Haris Azhar : Situation in Papua is of growing concern

by Oktovianus POGAU at SuaraPapua.com

May 17, 2013

Jakarta – The Coordinator of the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras), Haris Azhar views the situation in Papua as more and more alarming, with people’s welfare becoming increasingly unequal, including freedom of expression increasingly repressed.

“I think the government and the security forces have to think, that nowadays the Papuans  are in the limelight of the world,” Haris said , when contacted by suarapapua.com  via email on 15th of May.

According to Haris,  the political position of Indonesia in the eyes of the outside community and domestically is increasingly unpopular. “Then why should repressive manner and failed economic policies for Papua be maintained?,” He asked.

Haris said, the government should initiate a new approach of peaceful means in day-to-day activities of the people of Papua. “Like the argument about Papuan independence, that’s not an issue that should be feared.  Each region that is disappointed also asks for freedom. This phenomenon also exists in America, one of the countries that claim to be champions of democracy, “he said.

Instead, Haris continued, the Government must demonstrate maturity; shouting, action (demonstrations) or hoisting the flag should have  measured response from law enforcement.

“Is political activity in Papua really  life-threatening? Does the flag-raising activity in Papua automatically raise a state? It is not. I fear repression and impoverishment in Papua have just become a show case for the outside world while the country is still there and strong, “he said.

While, Haris said, psychologically Papua  has become a banal discharge of violent desires always living below the consciousness of the security forces, after Aceh, Timor and others are not conflict areas anymore.

“I want to ask the Government of Indonesia to start building a new awareness towards Papua.  Political openness and agreement on the formulation of flexible actions and activities. This maturity will build confidence of Papuans in the Jakarta Government , “he concluded.

Previously, as informed by the media, violence of the security forces again occurred in the past two months in Sorong, Timika, Jayapura, Wamena and Biak.

On 30 April 2013, Sorong Resort Police shoot two civilians, 3 others were wounded, one recent injured, mother Salomina Klaibin (37) also died from her injuries. In the operation, officers arrested seven people, including one action leader, Isak Klaibin.

In Timika, May 1, 2013 authorities arrested 15 people who were raising the Morning Star flag  in a peaceful mass action, seven people were named as suspects. In Biak, one person was shot dead by security forces, and two were arrested.

In Jayapura, a KNPB activist was arrested by the security forces while giving speeches.  Then, May 13, 2013, actions that ware held in solidarity of victims of human rights violations in Papua were forcibly dispersed by police. Four activists, including Chairman KNPB, Victor F Yeimo, were also arrested by police.


Special Autonomy “Plus” not answering problems of Papua

May 17, 2013

 by  Oktovianus POGAU at SuaraPapua.com

NAPAS menggelar aksi di Jakarta kecam pelanggaran HAM yang terjadi di Papua (Foto: merdeka.com)

NAPAS rallies in Jakarta denouncing human rights violations in Papua (Photo: merdeka.com)

PAPUAN, Jakarta – The Draft Special Autonomy Law Plus (Otsus) that is being discussed with  the central government  and the governor of Papua province will be deemed not to answer the questions and the problems in Papua.

“To my assessment Autonomy Plus  will not answer the problems in Papua, Papuan people are only asking to hold a dialogue as the only peaceful solution,” Syamsul Alam, staff member of the Commission for Victims of Violence (KontraS), said in a discussion session about the release of  Political Prisoners in Papua, in KontraS office, Thursday (05/16/2013) yesterday.

According to Alam, granting Autonomy Plus will further extend the Papua issue, because so far government agencies in Papua were never worked together to build Papua as a land of peace.

” Five Papuan representation of Peace Conference have been selected since the Papuan Peace Conference was held  in Jayapura, but up to now the government has not determined a representation, Jakarta just responded by sending troops  to the land of Papua,” he said.

There is a structural pessimism that Jakarta-Papua dialogue would not happen if political prisoners were not released, then Papua situation gets worse, and the  sick political prisoners will not be positively paid attention to  by the government.

“Free the Prisoners, create a conducive situation in Papua, and immediately hold a peaceful dialogue between the central government and the Papuan people, is the best solution,” he said.

Zelly Ariane, coordinator of the National Papua Solidarity (BREATH) stated that from 30 April 2013 until mid of May, dozens of Papuan activists who expressed tehir views in a peaceful manner had been detained by Indonesian security forces.

“There are 29 people held by security forces since April 30, 2013 to mid of this month. We see a democracy in Papua completely shut down by the government, solidarity must be built to continue to fight against the government, ” Zelly said .

Meanwhile, Peneas Lokbere, Coordinator of United for Justice (BUK) said, there are many political prisoners in Papua who did not receive serious attention from the government, but when arrested they become the responsibility of government.

“The Prisoner just need cigarettes, sugar, or just a nut, no one cares and watch them over the years. Me and some friends in Papua always help, and voluntarily coordinate and  consider their needs, ” Peneas said .

Peneas also expect solidarity of the Indonesian people, the international community, and the people of Papua in particular, on this occasion because the political prisoners were arrested and jailed for fighting injustice and human rights violations in Papua.

In that discussion, it appeared that it was attended by representatives of Directory General of the National Institute of Correction, Papuan students, journalists, as well as various pro-democracy activists in Jakarta.

At approximately 2:30 am, the demonstration proceeded at the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights, in Jakarta, to ask the Coordinating Minister for Political and human rights to free the Prisoners / political prisoners in Papua.

 

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WPAT Comments on State Department’s Annual Country Report on Human Rights for 2012 – Indonesia/West Papua

May 17, 2013

Comments on the U.S. Department of State’s Annual Country Report on Human Rights for 2012 Concerning Indonesia/West Papua
By Ed McWilliams (West Papua Advocacy Team) with John M. Miller (ETAN)

 

The U.S. Department of State annual Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2012 includes a detailed review of Indonesia. As in past years, this portion of the Report devotes significant attention to developments in West Papua. The heavy focus on the region, which comprises only one percent of the Indonesian archipelago’s population, underscores the reality that human rights violations and impunity continue at very high levels in West Papua. (Please note we refer throughout to the western half of the island of New Guinea as West Papua. This is how people in the region commonly refer to the area that includes the Indonesian provinces of Papua and West Papua.)


Problems that afflict West Papua are also evident elsewhere in the archipelago, such as encroachment on indigenous lands, media intimidation, and violations of human rights by the military and police.


While this critique focuses on West Papua, we note that human rights violations continue throughout the archipelago. Problems that afflict West Papua are also evident elsewhere in the archipelago, such as encroachment on indigenous lands, media intimidation, and violations of human rights by the military and police. Issues of restrictions on freedom of assembly also affect religious minorities outside West Papua. (Ongoing attacks on freedom of religion are addressed in a separate Department of State report.)

Efforts to challenge impunity and to establish accountability for past human rights crimes continue to fail. An “ad hoc tribunal to investigate and prosecute the disappearance of human rights activists” in 1997-98 has yet to be established. Prosecutors have so far rejected Komnas HAM findings that the government’s anti-Communist purges of 1965 and 1966 “which included killing, extermination, enslavement, eviction or forced removal of the population, the deprivation of personal freedom, torture, rape, and enforced disappearance, constituted a crime against humanity.” The truth commission and human rights courts authorized by the 2006 law on Aceh have yet to be established. Accountability for war crimes and crimes against humanity committed by Indonesian forces in Timor -Leste or West Papua do not appear on either the Indonesian agenda and are not mentioned in the State Department report’s Indonesia chapter.

Fundamental Rights

The report is generally comprehensive and accurate, with some exceptions. However, the report continues to ignore the gravest, most systematic abuse afflicting West Papuans: The failure of the central government to provide essential fundamental health, education and other services to the West Papuan people. This policy of deliberate neglect severely affects Papuans, especially those in rural areas, as reflected in all national and international development indices. Statistics, including those of the Indonesian government, consistently identify West Papua as suffering the worst health , education and development levels in the archipelago and more generally in all of Southeast Asia. It is Indonesia’s poorest region.


The Department of State’s failure to acknowledge this fundamental violation of Papuan economic, social and cultural rights renders this annual report incomplete.


The obligation of governments to provide essential services to their populations is clearly set out in international agreements and covenants to which the Government of Indonesia is signatory or otherwise obligated. These include the Universal Declaration on Human Rights (Articles 25 and 26), the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. Papuans have been systematically marginalized in their own land by this policy of neglect and the “transmigration” policy through which the Indonesia government sponsors and subsidizes migration from elsewhere in the archipelago. The Department of State’s failure to acknowledge this fundamental violation of Papuan economic, social and cultural rights renders this annual report incomplete.

Women face special challenges, and the report says, “Women in many regions of the country, particularly in Papua, complained about differential treatment based on gender.”

The report also fails to acknowledge that for five decades, West Papua has not been afforded its right to self-determination. U.S. government was deeply involved in the international community’s acquiescence in Indonesia’s 1963 takeover of the territory and its 1969 annexation through the fraudulent “Act of Free Choice.” The U.S. itself is culpable in the denial of this fundamental right.

The Business of the Security Forces


“The [Indonesian official] claims that the Indonesian Military (TNI) has far more troops in Papua than it is willing to admit to, chiefly to protect and facilitate TNI’s interests in illegal logging operations,” says one cable.


The report’s Executive Summary misleadingly contends that “security forces reported to civilian authority” during 2012. Indonesian security authorities, in particular the Indonesian military, in reality are not fully subordinate to civilian authority. The Indonesian military maintains streams of revenue that enable it to operate outside the government budgetary process. These include legal and illegal businesses directly controlled by the military and its extortion of civilian businesses. This rogue behavior persists despite Indonesian law which required the military to divest itself of its businesses by 2009. Military businesses interests are especially extensive in West Papua where often illegal logging operations and the extortion of domestic and foreign businesses, such as the mining giant Freeport McMoran have continued for years.

State Department reports made available through Wikileaks demonstrate its full awareness of the military’s role in illegal logging: “The [Indonesian official] claims that the Indonesian Military (TNI) has far more troops in Papua than it is willing to admit to, chiefly to protect and facilitate TNI’s interests in illegal logging operations,” says one cable. Other cables report Freeport officials acknowledging that they “make payments directly to the commanding officers responsible for security at the mine.”

Impunity

More importantly, the Indonesian military, particularly the Indonesia Special Forces (Kopassus) and the U.S.-funded and trained Detachment 88, continue to enjoy broad impunity for criminal behavior, notably violations of human rights. Military personnel are not subject to civil criminal prosecution or civilian courts for their abuse of civilians. Rather, in those cases which draw public attention, low- and mid-level military personnel may be subjected to military investigation and prosecution in military court. Invariably, the defendants are either absolve the accused or render light sentences.

This reality is particularly apparent in West Papua which suffers under a very large military presence and where human rights violations, as noted in the State Department Report, are extensive. As a consequence of this broad impunity for security force abuse of human rights and other criminality, the criminal justice system fails to inhibit continuing abuses. While the State Department report acknowledges civil society criticisms of “the short length of prison sentences imposed by military courts.” The U.S. government should speak out more forcefully for a change in jurisdiction.

Political Prisoners

The Executive Summary highlights the Indonesian government’s application of “treason and blasphemy laws to limit freedom of expression.” However, in the body of the report (in the section on Freedom of Speech and Press) the Report avoids direct criticism of the government, referring only to allegations by NGOs and others that “government application of treason laws in cases of peaceful calls for separatism in Papua limited the rights of individuals to engage in speech deemed to be proseparatist.”

The report, citing NGO reports, says that “between June and September, authorities arrested more than 60 people in Papua for flag-related offenses.” Most were briefly detained before their release. Several Papuans continue to serve long prison terms for raising the banned morning star flag. Political prisoners from the Malukus continued to serve long sentences for raising a banned flag.


U.S. security assistance must be curtailed, absent an end to such egregious human rights violations and credible prosecution and sentencing of the perpetrators of these crimes among Indonesia’s military, police, and “anti-terror” forces.


Access

The report clear acknowledges that the “government continued to restrict foreign media, NGOs, and government personnel from traveling to the provinces of Papua and West Papua by requiring them to request permission to travel through the Foreign Ministry or an Indonesian embassy. The government approved some requests and denied others ostensibly for reasons regarding the safety of foreign visitors.” This should have been highlighted at the top in the Executive Summary. These restrictions clearly affect the ability of the U.S. government to verify and follow up on reports of human rights violations in the territory. The restrictions have been the subject of criticism by the U.S. Congress, to whom the report is directed.

Torture and Killing

The Executive Summary does highlight “killings by security forces, abuse of prisoners and detainees, harsh prison conditions,” problems that are especially common in West Papua. The body of the report, while including details of security force operations in rural areas of West Papua, does not acknowledge the extraordinary abuse associated with ongoing assaults on rural communities by security forces conducting “sweeping operations.” These operations are inherently abusive of human rights. Civilians are frequently forced to flee into surrounding mountains and forests where many become ill and die due to a lack of access to food and medical care.

The report commendably details specific examples of harsh prison conditions and extrajudicial killings such as that of Mako Tabuni. The report usefully includes the June military assault on a neighborhood in Wamena during which 767th battalion soldiers burned 87 Papuan homes. “[A]uthorities had not arrested or disciplined any members” by the end of the year, the report says.

Under the heading of “Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment” the report notes that the Indonesian government failed to assure full accountability of security officials for torture, which remains “commonplace in police detention.” The NGO Commission on the Disappeared and Victims of Violence (Kontras) has reported that 98 of 243 victims of torture between July 2011 and June 2012 were in West Papua.

The State Department also reports that Indonesian authorities required “jailed Papuan independence activist Filep Karma to raise the money” for his own medical care. And that during 2012 other such activists such as Forkorus Yaboisembut receive prison terms for peaceful protest.

Indigenous Rights and Land

In one of its strongest critiques, the report speaks plainly about the systematic denial
of rights to Papuans:


During the year indigenous persons, most notably in Papua, remained subject to widespread discrimination, and there was little improvement in respect for their traditional land rights. Mining and logging activities, many of them illegal, posed significant social, economic, and logistical problems to indigenous communities.


“During the year indigenous persons, most notably in Papua, remained subject to widespread discrimination, and there was little improvement in respect for their traditional land rights. Mining and logging activities, many of them illegal, posed significant social, economic, and logistical problems to indigenous communities. The government failed to prevent companies, often in collusion with the local military and police, from encroaching on indigenous peoples land. In Papua and West Papua, tensions continued between indigenous Papuans and migrants from other provinces, leading to several killings of migrants in the restive provinces.”

The Report similarly offered a detailed critique of government policies targeting the land rights of indigenous people. We note that Papuans are among the principal victims in this regard:

As the government did not recognize indigenous people, it also did not recognize indigenous lands. The government did recognize some communal ownership rights. However, access to ancestral lands continued to be a major source of conflict throughout the country. Large corporations and government regulations displaced people from their ancestral lands. Some land-rights NGOs asserted that ineffective demarcation of land led to denying individuals access to their own land. Central and local government officials reportedly extracted kickbacks from mining and palm oil companies in exchange for land access at the expense of the local populace. Land-rights advocates reported receiving threats from government and private parties after publicizing these issues. The government program of transferring migrants from the crowded islands of Java and Madura diminished greatly in recent years. However, communal conflicts often occurred along ethnic lines in areas with sizeable transmigrant populations.

see also



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JUBI: 13 May Action is a Call for Justice Regarding Human Rights in Papua

15 May 2013

A human rights solidarity group in Papua, SPP-HAM declared that the action that took place on Monday, 13 May was clearly a call for justice  with regard to human rights violations which occurred in West Papua . But even so, the action was banned by the police.

As has been earlier reported, actions to Commemorate  the 1 May which Papuan activists regard marking the 50th anniversary of West Papua’s annexation by the Republic of Indonesia occurred in a number of places.

The Indonesian security forces, (TNI and Police) took repressive and brutal  action against these actions which occurred in a number of places, such as Sorong, Fak-Fak, Biak, Nabire and Timika.

Wim Rocky Medlama, spokesman for KNPB (National Committee of West Papua) said: ‘The Indonesian security forces are clinging firmly to the controversial claim that Papua had returned to the fold of the Motherland and therefore, the authority of the Republic of Indonesia in Papua cannot be questioned and cannot be challenged.’

He said that on the evening before annexation day, 1 May 2013, a tragic incident  occurred which resulted in the loss of life. This was when the security forces launched an attack on Papuan people in the complex in Aimas, Sorong. ‘During this attack a number of people were injured, two of whom died – Abner Malagawa (20 years old) and Thomas Blesia (28 years old) died after being hit by a bullets. Furthermore a woman, Salomina Klambin (37 years old) was also shot and subsequently died after attempts by doctors at Sorong hospital to remove bullets from her body failed.

‘In response to the repressive actions of the Indonesian security forces  in various parts of Papua on 1 May and the tragic incident in Aimas Sorong, a number of Papuan activists in Jayapura, including young people and students, held meetings  in order to coordinate their actions in several places in the vicinity of Abepura.. These meetings were focussed on efforts to take joint action about the bloody incident in Aimas, Sorong.

As a result of these meetings  which were attended by activists from a number  of organisations, they reached agreement to respond to the repressive actions by the security forces against the Papuan people in Sorong and other places by organising human rights solidarity actions.

‘These solidarity actions would take the form of  issuing press statements and meeting journalists, which would then be followed up by holding mass demonstrations outside the offices of the MRP, the DPRP and the Governor’s office.’

After considering various levels of coordination, they decided that the action would take place on 13 May. The solidarity team would send a letter of notification of their intention to the chief of police in Jayapura and to the local chief of police. The letter was sent on 10 May,

The letter to the police contained the names of several  people who were responsible for these actions. They were: Yason Ngelia and Septi Maidodga as representatives of the BEM-MPM Uncen (Cenderawasih University), Bovit Bofra as the chairman of Garda-P (Democratic Papuan People’s Movement), Victor Yeimo as chairman of the KNPB, and Marthen Manggaprouw as the representative of the West Papuan National Authority WPNA).

Later that day, these meetings were followed up by further coordination between the activists who were involved in the planned solidarity action.

One day after the announcement reporting their intention to carry out this action, a representative of the police force in Papua from the intelligence and security staff (Intelkam) phoned to say that those responsible for the action should meet the director of Intelkam regarding the planned action. Bovit Bofra and Yason Ngelia as representatives  responded to the summons at police headquarters in the centre of Jayapura on 11 May at 9am where they met  the director of Intelkam, Chief Inspector Yakobus Marzuki. During this tense and difficult meeting, the director of Intelkam asked them to explain the action that was being planned.

‘In addition to questioning the names of several groups which were involved in the solidarity action whose existence has not been registered, they also complained about the politicisation of the situation because it could potentially be disruptive for the population.’This was because the announcement of the planned action talked about a ‘humanitarian tragedy ‘ in Sorong in which Papuan civilians had fallen as victims.

The use of the word ‘tragedy’ in the announcement was, according to the police, groundless and completely unacceptable. This was because the actions taken by the security forces were fully in accordance with legal procedures that are in force in the Republic of Indonesia. According to the police officer, there were indications that the people mentioned would be damaging national stability by organising an action on 13 May. Following the issuing of a  statement, the director of Intelkam issued a letter refusing permission for the action that was planned for 13 May.

But the only name that was mentioned in the police letter rejecting (the action) was that of Victor Yeimo, the chairman of the KNPB whereas the announcement of the intention to take action mentioned a number of other names from various different organisations that were not registered.

The Director of Intelkam also referred to the position adopted by the governor of Papua, Lukas Enembe, who said that taking such an action would only disrupt development in Papua.

In response, Bovit and Yason explained their position regarding the lack of permission by the police and clarified their intention to go ahead with the action. But this discussion revealed many differences and led to a bitter argument that lasted for twenty minutes.

Because no agreement was reached,  Bovit and Yason stated their firm commitment that, in accordance with the agreement (between the organisations), the action planned for 13 May would go ahead.

However, the director of Intelkam, said that the police had not given permission for the action to go ahead, and if it did, all those responsible as well as those who took part would have to face the consequences which included the likelihood of legal action.

Translated by TAPOL


Tito Karnavian: “Mastermind” Behind the Prohibition of Democracy in Papua.

March 14, 2013

by OKTOVIANUS POGAU at SuaraPapua.com

with additional reporting from West Papua Media

http://suarapapua.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/05/kapolda-papua.jpeg

Inspector-General Tito Karnavian, current Kapolda Papua

PAPUAN, Jayapura — Dorus Wakum, a human right activist in Papua has examined that the Head of Papua Regional Police (Kapolda Papua), General Inspector (Pol), Tito Karnavian is the authorised “mastermind” behind widespread acts of arrests, killings and plunder of activists in Papua.

“Since Tito Karnavian was appointed on September 3, 2012, democratic space in Papua has been closed for meetings. Many Papuan activists were arrested, killed, and even imprisoned for no apparent reason,” said Wakum, when contacted by suarapapua.com, Tuesday, (14/05/2013) afternoon.

Prior to his Papua appointment in 2012, Karnavian was the feted head of the controversial elite anti-terror unit Detachment 88, funded, armed and trained by Australia, the United States and the United Kingdom.  Under his command, the unit became known for its extrajudicial killings of suspects, and was embroiled in documented case of torture and and excessive force in Maluku and Papua, most notably with its involvement in the brutal crackdown on the Third Papuan People’s Congress in October 2011.

Karnavian’s first major engagement in Papua was commanding the openly boasted extrajudicial assassination of at-the-time-unarmed legendary West Papuan guerrilla fighter and Commander of the National Liberation Army, Kelly Kwalik, in Timika on December 16, 2009.

Wakum assessed that Tito Karnavian is not worthy to serve as Kapolda (Chief of Police) Papua, because the activities of the people of Papua are not based on terrorism, as he was assigned prior to serving as Kapolda Papua.

“Since Tito came to power, we already heard about the discovery of bombs in Sorong, Wamena and Biak, and this is a big conspiracy.  The objective of Tito Karnavian is that this is acceptable in Papua, and hopes to gain support from the international community and non-Papuans. There are no terrorists in Papua, we the people of Papua fought for our political rights peacefully,” said Wakum.

Wakum also evaluated that if Tito Karnavian continues to be stationed in Papua, the escalation of violence will increase because all peaceful mass demonstrations would be faced with gun and muzzle of rifle.

“Try observe all the previous Kapolda, although they utilised full force, but not as bad as the current Kapolda. People can still demonstrate, (were still) permitted to hold fellowship at Theys Cemetry Oval, but now not at all, as an example that occurred on May 1, and May 13, yesterday, this is the action of Tito Karnavian,” said Wakum.

Thobias Bagubau, a human right activist in Jayapura agreed with Wakum’s assessment. He emphasised that Tito Karnavian is not appropriate to be position in Papua because the situation will intensify and the number of Papuan political prisoners will increase.

“Currently, we are not able to demonstrate, if sleeping at night, certainly mindful of (tomorrow) we’ll be arrested, tortured and beaten while staging the action and lucky enough if not shot dead. This is now the policy and command from Kapolda Papua,” said Bagubau.

Bagubau also observe on one hand that Tito Karnavia’s socio-cultural approach to partially soften the people of Papua, especially the central highlanders, but on the other hand, continues to undermine the  democracy with murder, arrest and imprisonment of Papuan activists.

“The soft approaches actually obstruct his actual image. Kapolda should be someone who understand the demands, desires and expectations of the society. The total number of political prisoners recently stated by Papuan Behind Bars are 40 people and now there is addition of 7 people in Sorong, 4 people in Jayapura and 7 people in Timika, which totalled to 58 people. The total is extraordinary,” added Bagubau.

Both Wakum and Bagubau agreed that Kapolda Papua Tito Karnavian, has shut down democratic space in Papua to fulfil his personal ambition as a police career, that is, to become Head of Republic Police (Kapolri) in the future.

“This is for the sake of Kapolri position in the near future, Papua will be a springboard for his career advancement, we’ll see,” concluded Wakum.

A glance of Tito Karnavian’s life:

Born in Palembang, South Sumatera, Indonesia, on October 26, 1964. He was an officer of the Indonesian National Police, who managed to dismantle the terrorist leader’s Noordin Moch Top networks.   At that time, Commissioner Tito Karnavian was promoted to Brigadier General and was promoted as the Head of Detachment 88 anti-terror unit at Polri headquarters. Tito Karnavian replaced Brigadier General (Pol) Saut Usman Nasution, who served as the first Director of Security and Transnational Criminal Investigation Polri Headquarters.

In accordance with TR Kapolri dated, September 3, 2012, Tito was appointed as Kapolda Papua as a replacement of Inspector General (Irjen Pol) Bigman Lumban Tobing, who had been criticised in Jakarta for allowing a spiral of “unknown persons” (OTK) shootings to occur without investigation, shootings which were widely believed by credible Papuan obsevers to be carried out by members of Indonesia’s notorious special forces, Kopasssus, and allegedly even members of Detachment 88.

Some positions that Tito Karnavian held were:

  • Head of Intelligence Unit (Kasatserse)
  • General Director of Regional Intelligence Unit (Umum Ditserse);
  • Jakarta Provincial Police (Polda Metro Jaya);
  • Head of Densus 88/anti-terrorism unit (Kadensus 88/Anti Teror),
  • Head of District Police in Serang,
  • Head of sub-division Densus & Police Intel Detachment 88/Anti Terrorism Unit (Kasubden Intel 88/Anti Terror Intel Densus);
  • Republic Criminal Investigative Unit (Bareskrim Polri);
  • and Head of Densus 88/Anti-Terrorism Unit (Kadensus 88/Anti Terror) from 2009 til 2010.
  • He’s also the head of the education section and capacity building (Pembinaan Kemampuan BNPT) from 2010-2012, and after that he was “entrusted as the best person to maintain Papua”.


KNPB Member Tortured until Arm Broken

by OKTOVIANUS POGAU at SuaraPapua.com

http://suarapapua.com/2013/05/satu-anggota-knpb-disiksa-hingga-patah-tangan/

Photo: Markus Giban (19), one of the members of the KNPB who was arrested by police and had his arm broken. (Photo: KNPB / SuaraPapua.com)

Photo: Markus Giban (19), one of the members of the KNPB who was arrested by police and had his arm broken. (Photo: KNPB / SuaraPapua.com)

Papua, Jayapura – A member of the West Papua National Committee (KNPB), Mark Giban (19), student at Cenderwasih University (Uncen) reportedly suffered a broken arm after being arrested and tortured by Jayapura City Police, at National Housing Authority 3, Abepura, Jayapura, Monday (13/5/2013) afternoon.

“There has been massive persecution against KNBP activists. This is extremely excessive, some others are still detained at Papua Police Regional Command, and Giban has suffered a broken arm and must be treated at Abepura Regional District Hospital (RSUD)”, said the Chairman of the National Parliament of West Papua (PNWP), Bucthar Tabuni when contacted by suarapapua.com, this afternoon.

As well as the arrest and torture of Giban, several KNBP activists, including the Head of the KNPB, Victor F Yeimo, suffered the same fate. They are currently being detained at Papua Police Regional Command and are being interrogated by police.

Bucthar added, the full report of the torture, arrest and beatings suffered by the KNPB activists, as well as several other mass actions on May 13, 2013, will be published in full.

“Friends are currently compiling the full report, we will later publish for the media, just wait”, said Tabuni from Jayapura, Papua.

Papua Police Public Relations, Adjunct Senionr Commissioner 1 Gede Sumerta, S. lk when contacted reported that confimed reports from the field had not yet been received.

“Wait, I need to check first”, wrote the Commisioner of Public Relations briefly via mobile phone to the media.

Previously, as reported by this media (read: Jayapura, four Papuan Activists back in Police detention), police again arrested four Papuan activists outside the taxi rank at National Housing Commission 3, not far from the Cenderwasih University Campus, Papua.

The four people arrested are: student Yongky Ulimpa (23), student Ely Kobak (17), Manggaprouw Marten (30) activist of the West Papuan National Authority (WPNA) and Victor F Yeimo (30), Chariman of the West Papua National Committee (KNPB).

 


Gravesite of Theys Eluay used by Jayapura police to hold social activities

May 1 2013

by Oktovianus POGAU, Editor of SuaraPapua.com

PAPUAN, Jayapura – The field of Theys Hiyo Eluay’s grave, which was be used by the West Papua National Committee (KNPB) together with the people of West Papua to commemorate the 50th year of the annexation of Papua into the Republic of Indonesia, had its planned use called off.

This was because the Jayapura Police, led by the Jayapura police chief, Commissioner Roycke Harry Langie  S.Ik, had allegedly booked this historic field to hold social activities to welcome the (HUT) Police Anniversary and Police Hospitals Foundation (YBK) .

“Yes, the field is used for social activities in order to welcome YBK  and police anniversary,”  Papua Police Public Relations Head, Chief Sumerta I Gede said, as confirmed by suarapapua.com reporter this afternoon.

Arnold Belau, suarapapua.com journalist, who also visited the Garden Tomb at Theys Square in Sentani revealed, it appears that some members of the Police gathered in the field, while doing the distribution of basic necessities and medicine to civilians.

“Not many people are there in the tomb of Theys. There are only members of the Police and the wives of the police, and a parked armored car, 1 police truck, 3 cars of the air force, and 1 mobile health car, “said Belau, via cell phone connection.

According to Belau, it does not seem that KNPB mass movement and mass of  Papua people are to hold worship at the field at the Tomb of Theys as scheduled.

Earlier, Chairman of the KNPB, Victor Yeimo appealed and issued a call for the date of May 1, 2013 to be celebrated as the annexation of Papua into the Indonesian state, or national day of mourning for the people of Papua.

Yeimo said that the KNPB together with West Papuan people will use the park grounds of the Theys Hiyo Eluay tomb in Sentani, to hold religious and political speeches.


“Secure” May 1: TNI/Police deployed in full strength

by OKTOVIANUS POGAU, Editor, SuaraPapua.com

May 1, 2013

West Papua, Jayapura – Both the Papuan Regional Police (Polda) and Indonesian Military (TNI) Command XVII/Cenderawasih are reportedly at full strength to “secure” actions that commemorate the annexation of West Papua by the Indonesian state on 1 May 1963.

http://suarapapua.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/05/mobil-Polisi.jpg

Police anti-demonstration apparatus in a show of force, Jayaura, May 1, 2013 (Photo: SuaraPapua.com)

Arnold Belau, a journalist from suarapapua.com reported that dozens of police (Polri) and military (TNI) trucks were driving through the streets of Jayapura. A number of trucks were parked in places that have been sites of regular protest action by Papuans in the past.

“I just came from the housing estate Perumnas III, right at the round-about of Uncen campus. There are 5 Brimob trucks, and several military trucks parked there. I didn’t see any signs of protest or public speaking near the taxi ranks. The situation was very tense,” said Belau, via mobile connection from Jayapura.

Apart from Perumnas III, Belau also monitored the Waena area, right in front of the Museum Budaya (Cultural Museum), on the road towards Sentani, a usual location for protest action.

“At Expo, right next to Cultural Museum, there are 5 police trucks, 1 mobile water cannon, 3 armoured military vehicles and 10 Brimob (paramilitary police) patrol cars. There are hundreds of fully armed security forces near the vehicles” said Belau.

In the Sentani area Belau reported that Kampung Harapan (the village of hope) has been also occupied by hundreds of security forces. They stand alert in combat gear and are armed with automatic weapons.

“In Kampung Harapan, I observed 4 police trucks, 2 police vehicles, and 1 military truck. At the junction of the Institute of Agriculture, also in Sentani, there is 1 water cannon vehicle, 1 police truck, and 1 truck with a mounted tear gas cannon,” said Belau.

Belau continued to monitor the Sentani area, especially at the memorial of Theys Hiyo Eluay, the slain West Papuan independence leader where a protest of national mourning will be organized by the West Papua National Committee (KNPB) and their supporters.

OKTOVIANUS POGAU

 


Quid pro quo: Goliath Tabuni allegedly threatens to shoot police chief after police place Tabuni on wanted list

Bintang Papua
7 April 2013
In response to the announcement by the police that they have placed Goliath Tabuni on the WANTED list, Goliath Tabuni told Bintang Papua last Saturday that he had laughed at the announcement, and said it was very strange bearing in mind that he has been waging a struggle already for several decades, so how come he has only now been put on the  WANTED list.
He said that he was not troubled by the announcement: ‘We know that our struggle bears risks, but making this announcement at the present time suggests that there is a certain purpose in doing so.’He went on to announce that he has ordered his men to shoot the chief of police Inspector-General Tito Karnavian.  ‘Since the chief of police has issued an announcement, I too, issue a call to my men to be prepared to  shoot the chief of police if he comes here to Puncak Jaya.”Last week’s announcement by the chief of police stated: ‘The chief commander of TPN/OPM Gen. Goliath Tabuni  is wanted in connection with the shootings which occurred on 21 February 2013 in Sinak and Tingginambut.’

Goliath Tabuni’s statement was made in a press release which stated: “In  connection with the announcement by the chief of police, the TPN/OPM herewith declares to the Indonesian government and to the general public as well as to the international community that the aim of the struggle of the TPN/OPM is clear and justified.  That is to say, it is waging a struggle for the independence of the Papuan people and to have the right to determine their own future.”

It also stated that Goliath Tabuni, as the commander-in-chief of the TPN/OPM, will issue an operational order for the chief of police Inspector-General Tito Karnavian to be shot dead if he comes to the Central Highlands for operational purposes whenever this may occur. “We are ready to shoot down the plane in which the chief of police may be travelling because we are able to classify all flights into the interior.”

“We warn the chief of police that, before issuing a ‘wanted’  order, he should take effective measures to find a solution to the political conflict in West Papua,” the statement said

“We herewith warn (Indonesian President) SBY and the Indonesian Government to take effective action to resolve the conflict about the status of  West Papua, bearing in mind its status as part of the Republic of Indonesia is illegal according to all the facts that can be investigated.”

‘There must be tripartite talks between the United Nations, the Indonesian Government and representatives of the Papuan people who shall be determined by the TPN/OPM,” he said.

He finally declared that the TPN/OPM will continue with its struggle and can never be intimidated by acts of terror and intimidation by the Indonesian security forces which are carried out by the chief of police and the commander of the Cenderawasih/ VII Military Command.

[Translated by TAPOL]

 


Killing Papuan Fighter will not solve the problem, says Indonesian MP

Tabloid JUBI
8 April 2013
A Papuan member of the Indonesian Parliament, Diaz Gwijannge said that he  cannot agree with the decision to place the OPM leader, Goliath Tabuni on the WANTED list. Killing Papuan leaders can never solve the problem, he said.’I cannot agree with the decision to place Goliath Tabuni on the wanted list so that he can be killed because this will not solve the problem.’

‘A number of Papuan fighters for independence have been killed, such as Theys Eluay, Kelly Kwalik and Mako Tabuni have been killed but this has solved nothing. Even though that have died, the problem about Papuan  independence still continues,’ he said.

No-one has been forcing the Papuan people to call for independence. This is the political ideology of the Papuan people. Even if those who are fighting for independence are killed, the independence struggle will continue,’ he said. ‘There should be dialogue or whatever you want to call it because the solution must be sought by political means.’

”Dont think that we can be deceived. Just see what happened in Timor-Leste. If such things continue, people will call this an act of genocide in Papua. I think that the chief of police should be careful.  Dont  just accuse people and put them on the WANTED list. There are procedures which must be used which should guarantee people’s right to life. Only God himself can take someone’s life, not another human being,’ he said.

Gwijannge explained “The solution must be comprehensive not just partial, especially considering that the indigenous Papuan people have taken the ethical path to find a solution.  The Papuan Peace Network is pressing for dialogue and there needs to be a response to that from the Indonesian Government, by involving the OPM in dialogue,” he said.

“Aceh and Papua are very much the same, there is no difference between then. It is indeed true that GAM’s structure was very well organised. So why is it that the Acehnese conflict was resolved by the Helsinki agreement, but this is not possible for Papua? This means that there is discrimination between the two.”

“Moreover there is inconsistency in the Government’s policy  towards Papua. They were granted OTSUS – Special Autonomy – but there has been great inconsistency in its implementation. The central government has also divided the territory which has frequently led to conflicts between the Papuan people themselves.”

‘The two sides must sit down together for talks. And if necessary a third party should be involved, as was the case with GAM. Why can’t Papua be handled in the same way? It would appear that the Indonesian government is not serious about finding a solution with the result that acts of violence continue to occur,” said Gwijannge.

[Translated by TAPOL]

 


Interview With Bucthar Tabuni, Chairman of the West Papua National Parliament

(Apologies for the delay in posting due to significant funding shortfall and time over-commitments from WPM team)

(Translated by WPM Team for SuaraPapua.com)

Original article at SuaraPapua.com, March 23, 2013

http://suarapapua.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/03/vb.jpg

Chairman of the West Papua National Parliament, Bucthar Tabuni, and Chairman of the West Papua National Committee, Victor F Yeimo (Photo: Private)

PAPUA, Jayapura – recently,  suarapapua.com journalist Oktovianus Pogau, had the opportunity to interview with Bucthar Tabuni, the Chairman of the West Papua National Parliament (,).  In this interview Tabuni speaks about the criminalization of peaceful struggle of West Papua National Committee (KNPB), by the Police force in Papua.

Follow the interview below.

 What is the security forces attitude towards KNPB?



I see that the security force fears even more if KNPB exist in the Land of Papua. This is because of the mass and the base of KNPB is firmly rooted.  Indeed, during my leadership, the strength that we have built with the people is serious. So, at this time the security forces were escorting us to matters that did not enter our minds, and tried to destroy the struggle for peace that was pushed by us.

I hope this does not become an obstacle for KNPB to further progress and develop into the
 future.  If there’s any issue, then it should be coordinated with PNWP as the political body of the Papuan people. And we are ready to be responsible to the people, as well as to the 
KNPB board itself.

How’s the leadership of the new chief of Police (Kapolda), Tito Karnavian?



For Kapolda Papua at present, I think we just stay in an intensive communication, however 
my only regret is related to imprisonment of KNPB activists in Wamena Jayapura, Biak and Timika, that is being dragged on without a clear legal process.

I officially conveyed to the Chief of Police, I will still guarantee security throughout Papua when orders (are made) to release political prisoners, abolish the lists of wanted-persons 
(DPOs) of KNPB activists, and open a space for democracy, but also demands that have not been
 fulfilled.

I hope, all of these (demands) can be fulfilled soon. If it has not been answered, I
 will make a mention of the demands to the public and the police chief, but I’m (still) 
waiting for a response to the demands.

What was Kapolda’s Response?



His response was good, but not optimal. For example, legal issues with some KNPB members being detained should be settled with the Police, but his officers eventually put (a formal) submission to the Attorney General, 
so the legal process at court is protracted, and we are very disappointed for now.

The Papua issue needs communication. If it’s ignored, it will cause
 disappointment, and the violence will never disappear. If there is to be anything at all, then it should be 
communicated. Pak Kapolda responded well, but not optimal. And until now I’m still waiting.

KNPB accused of masterminding violence in Papua?



Officials still have a biased stigma towards the KNPB, starting from being considered as actors of
 violence, all the way to being the perpetrators of violence in Papua. I argue that, during my leadership, the peaceful campaign of the struggle by peaceful demonstrations have always 
been promoted.

KNPB are people’s media, so it would be inappropriate if we called masterminds of violence.  
KNPB also never ordered the people of Papua, nor a member of KNPB 
throughout Papua, to struggle with violent means.

Even if there is (violence), that cannot be generalised or all associated together. In the society, there are good people, some are evil, there are few that listen to advice, and some that are not willing to hear the advice, and it’s a normal thing, and it happens everywhere, including 
in KNPB today.

Although Kapolda asked us not to do violence, one needs to know that 
lots of those acts are carried out by TPN/OPM (Tentara Pembebasan Nasional or National Liberation Army).  And this is outside of civil society, but if its in town I would 
guarantee safety. I do not have the right to intervene on TPN/OPM actions.
  My civic leadership is in the town.  TPN/OPM field of operation is different from my field.

What is the condition of KNPB activists detained in Wamena, Timika and other places?



They all regret, because the legal process that is underway has not been proven 
as a legal case. If they obtain or store sharp tools, then almost everyone 
in Papua, including immigrants, also obtain (these tools) such as knives and other sharp instruments.

The cases of KNPB members in Wamena is seen (to be premeditated) that the authorities already have 
strategies to arrest them. Why do officers go check sharp instruments only at
 KNPB activists home, while many immigrants who also own and store those things 
that are mentioned?

The question is, those things are there, but what are they used for, who is harmed, how many victims? -  there are no legal facts. This is why I asked that Kapolda must release 
them, but he hasn’t reacted to my demands.

The detainees until now regret, because without fair (or truthful) evidence and legal facts, they still undergo jail terms.  A question from me, why didn’t the police force arrest knife-sellers or sharp instruments in the market?  Of course this is weird.

How’s the assistance from Counsel (legal assistance)?



I thank the council for their assistance in assisting the KNPB activists in various prisons in Papua, but there is no assistance given to the case that happened in Wamena.

I see that the counsel hesitates in giving their assistance; we are able to facilitate with fund and provide them with accommodation. However, it is acceptable if they are busy. I plead for the judge and the prosecutor to work in conjunction together and help me with all the decisions to hopefully free all of them.

According to the charges that were made, there are many political aspects in comparison with those of law. Hence, various approaches have to be done in order to silence the struggle of West Papuans, and that include punishing detainees. Police and Army forces (Polri & TNI) will always find gaps and use that to perform ongoing injustices to the struggle in Papua. Therefore, an exceptional consideration is needed.

KNPB is regarded as Highlanders?

I’m shocked when I heard that statement. KNPB originates from Papua and we have Regional Parliaments called Parlemen Rakyat Daerah (PRD) in Biak, Manokwari, Wamena and Merauke, and they are all representative of West Papua.

I believe that this opinion is from people that don’t understand what consolidation is. I can also say that that opinion comes from people that don’t do field work but just voicing their thoughts. We have been working together (around Papua) for six years.

Don’t look just at KNPB, but the important thing is to see the agenda we have been working on. Supposing that the agenda makes sense and  is rational, why don’t we gain the support from others? We are just normal human beings but if this agenda can grant West Papua an Independence, it has to be supported, especially by those who mock KNPB.

Message for KNPB Activists?

Suppose you are keeping sharp weapons in your homes, it’s wise to throw them away or to avoid or keep away from them. Let alone the outsiders to have them. It has been several days since the silence of KNPB, it doesn’t mean that KNPB withdraws and is scared of the coloniser.

The current situation is uncertain so that we choose to be silent and to be patient. Let’s stay calm and plan for our new strategy to rise again. Do not worry about the tactics sets by the enemy, we have to think and plan for other approaches.

Message for the People of West Papua?

Independence is not something that we can achieve in an instant. West Papuans, don’t get bored, don’t be lazy and don’t give up the fight. There is no struggle that does not bear an outcome, everything does. We just have to wait for right time.

Hence, I call out to every West Papuan to work together, to be committed in what we are doing to keep up the fight in order for West Papuan to be free from Indonesian Colonialism. By doing so, not only we keep the fighting spirit alive but we also honour all the sacrifices of the late Arnold Ap, Thomas Wainggai, Kelly Kwalik, Mako Tabuni, Victor Kogoya, Hubertus Mabel, and all West Papua Independence activists that were killed by the Indonesian Military.

(translated and edited by WPM)


Selpius Bobii: The Annihilation of Indigenous West Papuans: A Challenge and a Hope

(Apologies for the delay in posting due to significant funding shortfall and time over-commitments from WPM team)

Opinion

By Selpius Bobii

Abepura, 25 March 2013

This article presents a challenge to all who have a heart for, and who are working without reward, to save the ethnic people of West Papua which are now heading towards annihilation. This article in particular considers the question as to whether there is truly annihilation occurring of the indigenous West Papuan people. (The term Papua or West Papua below are taken to include both the Papuan and West Papuan Provinces).

Are Ethnic West Papuans really being annihilated?

The indigenous community of West Papua is currently made up of 248 tribes (according to works of a Research Team published in 2008) inhabiting the land of West Papua.  Whilst east Papua is the well known nation of Papua New Guinea (PNG).  There have been findings that some tribes of Papua have already become extinct whilst others that are still surviving are now heading towards extinction.  The most disturbing finding (references below) from researchers at both Yale University in USA and Sydney University, Australia, have concluded that what is occurring in Papua is in fact genocide, with the primary actors being the Indonesian military (TNI) and Police (POLRI).

Military Operations

The main means of annihilation are overt and covert military operations carried out by the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI) continually since the military invasion in 1962 – an invasion that was intended to actualise the declaration of TRIKORA (being to dismantle the State of Papua), by the then President Sukarno.

There have been three major stages of military operations applied in Papua. The first was preceded by the sending of military troops illegally to Papua in 1962, at a time when Papua was still under administration of the Dutch Government – events Papuans state to have been a military invasion. The first stage of ongoing military operations occurred following the surrender of the administration of Papua from the Dutch to NKRI in 1963, and continued until 1969.  NKRI used a number of names for this stage of their military operations including ‘Operation Annihilation, Operation Ox I (using the name for wild ox of Java ‘banteng’),Operation Ox II, Operation Red Eagle, Operation White Eagle, Operation Wolf and Operation Dragon.

After NKRI had successfully invaded Papua, it continued its military operations with strategies and tactics that were to become most decisive in this stage of history.  This second stage of military operations were known as (as translated) Operation Authority (1970-1974), Operation Erode (1977), Operation Aware(1979), Operation Sweep Clean (1981-1984). (See article ‘ The Existence of TNI and Military Violence in Papua from 1963-2005’)).  Officially (Papua was designated as a ) Military Operations Area (referred to as Daerah Operasi Militer ‘DOM’) was in effect from 1978 to 5 October 1998.  Withdrawal of this status in Papua was encouraged by the Reformation (Reformasi movement) in 1998, with DOM status legally withdrawn on 5 October 1998, however there was a continuation of ‘de-facto’ DOM status which has continued until today.

The third stage which started with the Reformation in 1998 and which has continued to run concurrently with the second stage until this date, has involved a number of specific operations that have been carried out. These have become known as:

  • Bloody Biak (06 July 1998),
  • Bloody Nabire (2000),
  • Bloody Abepura (6-7 December 2000),
  • Bloody Wamena (6 October 2002),
  • Waspier (13 June 2001),
  • Bloody Kiama
  • Bloody Padang Bullen (20 October 2011).

At the date of writing military operations are continuing in Puncak Jaya, Puncak, Wamena and Paniai together with other covert operations throughout the land of Papua.

Numbers of deaths resulting from Military Operations

According to scientific research carried out by Yale University in the USA, it has been estimated that between 1963 and 1969 that more than 10,000 indigenous Papuans were slaughtered by the TNI and/or Indonesian Police.  From 1971, and throughout the period with which the Military Operations Area was officially in effect (1978-1998), the extent of the large numbers of indigenous Papuans killed (can never) accurately be known,  as the processes (and) numbers killed were not recorded by the armed forces. Whilst the community to date has never been allowed ‘the space’ to be able to gather and publish the data (ie space from intimidation and fear of “known ramifications” or military retribution).  Military operations during this time have included bombings, shootings, kidnapping, murder, forced disappearances, detention and imprisonment, torture, rape, theft and killing of domestic livestock, destruction of crops/vegetable gardens (which are peoples’ source of survival), burning of homes to the ground, burning of churches, killing by poisoning of food and water, and others.

There have been killings carried out in sadistic ways such as on victims whilst still alive, having their body parts chopped off with a short machete/chopping knife or axe; or victims being sliced up with razors or knives then then the open flesh being filled with chilly water; males and females being forced to have sex before their torturers then the males genitals being cut off and the their wives forced to eat them, following which they are both killed; being killed by being suspended (strung up) until dead; being thrown alive into deep chasms where there is no way out; being tied up and placed alive into a sack then thrown into the sea, a lake or river; being buried in the earth alive; iron bars being heated in a fire then inserted into the anus, the mouth, or into the female internally through the genitals.

Introduced diseases

Diseases that have been taken to Papua by unmedicated new settlers has also played a role in accelerating the rate of death of Papuans since the annexation of Papua into NKRI. Those introduced diseases include TB, Tapeworm infections, Typhoid, Cholera, Hepatitis, venereal diseases, HIV/AIDS and others. In the previous era prior to new settlers arriving these diseases were unknown by our ancestors. These types of infections / diseases spread quickly after infected persons arrive due to inadequate health services and the absence of availability of health equipment and infrastructure in the Papuan villages. Even when there is health equipment in the remote villages so often the staff are half-hearted about health services for Papuans and health problems arising from the spread of these introduced diseases are not properly attended to. If newcomers are not treated immediately on arrival these diseases spread ferociously amongst the indigenous population that has not had time to develop resistance to them, and in this environment of poor health services that frequently leads to death.

Alcohol related deaths

Consumption of alcohol is also playing a role in the annihilation of indigenous Papuans. The Writer once noticed on a carton in a shop the notice (as translated) “This stock especially for Papuans”. Why is there separate alcohol stock for Papuans? Many indigenous Papuans have died as an immediate result of alcohol consumption. Is there something mixed into the alcohol that which can cause quick death? Is it in fact ethanol (100% alcohol) that is being sold for Papuans’ consumption? Apart from many deaths related to alcohol, many social problems are also being created within families as a result of excessive drinking and many alcohol related crimes have occurred. The national government has on a number of occasions run campaigns to prohibit the excessive consumption of alcohol but at the same time they’ve been giving permits to proprietors to import and sell alcohol in shops and bars (with no limits imposed). Clearly there is tax income generated from these sales for the government. However the tax made by the government on these unregulated sales is far outweighed by the costs of the impact of excessive alcohol consumption on the community. This can destroy young peoples’ futures, quite apart from the sudden deaths it often causes. There is a locally made type of alcohol that is known as ‘Milo’ that could if regulated well by working with the local community, have much less destructive effects on our people. However as the government really doesn’t have a heart to break this chain of excessive production and distribution of alcohol, so this is yet another instance – though be it indirect – of the government contributing to the increased death rate of the indigenous Papuan race.

Government ‘Family Planning’ Programs

Another factor effecting the population growth of ethnic Papuans is the government’s Family Planning Program.  As Papuans have now become a minority in the land of our ancestors and our numbers are known to be decreasing, what then is the purpose of the government restricting the birth rate of indigenous Papuan families? Their family planning program teaches that ‘2 children is better’ but to Papuans this is absolutely not acceptable. Why should indigenous Papuans that have such a wide expanse of land and so much natural wealth yet be forced to join this program? We believe this is but another aspect of NKRI’s attempts though indirect, to bring about the decline of the Papuan indigenous population.

Loss of lands and natural resources

A further factor contributing to the decrease in the population of indigenous West Papuans is that of welfare as related to lost access to land and natural resources. Indeed financial problems of ethnic groups living in urban areas are a very real determining factor contributing to the annihilation of some ethnic West Papuan tribes.  This is the result of their land and natural resources being taken over by new immigrants, and whether by means of sale or theft, the end result is the same: being that people from those urban areas become without land and without natural resources, the two factors which have throughout time been their source of life.  Indeed this can cause depression, stress, deep psychological problems, poor nutrition, sickness and finally death. At the time of writing there are indigenous tribes from two regions in particular considered to be at high risk in this regard as they have sold the lands of their ancestors to newcomers. These are in Jayapura city and the wider the Jayapura local government area and secondly in the Merauke city area. Their children and grandchildren will have no lands of their own and this will have really serious consequences for the continued existence of these tribes.

Transmigration effects

The fourth category of determining factors contributing to the annihilation of the indigenous West Papuan race is transmigration. The previous Governor of the Papuan Province in 2010 stated that the total of migration to Papua was already high enough, but it nevertheless continued to grow at 5% each year whilst according to him the ‘normal’ rate of increase should have been 1% p.a.. Based on the provincial government’s figures from their Statistics Centre (BPS) as published in early 2011 for the entire Province of West Papua, the total indigenous Papuan population was 51.67% of the total population, numbering 760,000 in the whole of Papua. (See: www.kompas.com, Tuesday 11/01/2011). Jim Elmslie in his book ‘West Papua Demographic Transition and the 2010 Indonesia Census: Slow motion genocide or not? (Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies, Sydney University) found:

  • that the indigenous population had grown from 887,000 in 1971 to 1,505,405 in the year 2000 (an average rate of 1.84% increase p.a).;
  • Whilst the non-indigenous population in Papua had grown from 36.000 in 1971 to 708,425 (with an increase rate of 10.82% p.a.).
  • By 2010 the indigenous Papuan population was 1,730,336 (47.89%) whilst the population of non-indigenous Papuans was 1,882,517   (52.10%), a total population of 3,612,853.

In his book Elmslie estimated that by the year 2020 that the total population in Papua will reach 7,287,463 comprised of indigenous Papuans at 2,112,681 (28%) and non-indigenous Papuans at 5,174,782 (71.01%). According to Elmslie the variance of the rate of increase in indigenous Papuans compared to non-indigenous persons , is the result of firstly human rights violations and secondly and more primarily, the effect of transmigration. (See www.majalahselangkah.com/old/papua-30-persen-pendatang-70-persen-mari-refleksi/) original:(www.sydney.edu.au/arts/peaceconflict/docs/workingpapers/westpapuademographicsin2010/census.pdf).
The jump from 36,000 persons in 1971 to 708,425 in 2000, then to 1,852,297 is truly startling. This current level of migration flow can be attributed to the attraction of the Special Autonomy program in Papua, together with the continually increasing divisions of Papua into more provinces, regencies (which creates new major towns as administrative centres), districts and grouped villages.  As long as the government continues to create more divisions of the land, the massive flow of migrants into Papua will continue to increase.

We need to at the same time look closely at the indigenous Papuan figures which from 887,000 persons in 1971 to 1,505,405 in 2000 and 1.760.557 in 2010, show an increase of a mere 255,152 in the 10 year period 2000 to 2010. On the basis of these numbers researchers have calculated that indigenous Papuans are becoming an increasing minority, and at this rate by the year 2030 indigenous Papuans as a race will have become died out.

It needs to be emphasized that these are conservative estimates of the rate of annihilation of indigenous Papuans. The accuracy of the Centre of Statistics (BPS) figures really can’t be taken as certain from the Writer’s perspective.  To date there has been no news that the heads of all the villages throughout Papua have indeed worked together with the Heads of their Districts to ensure names provided are in fact correct, to ensure names of those already deceased have been treated correctly, and to ensure no names have been fictitiously created to get some financial assistance, or rice under a poverty program, or other assistance under the (Australian funded) Village Development program (called ‘Respek’); or perhaps for reasons related to the choice of regional leaders in the elections. The Writer is absolutely certain that if there had been carried out a credible population census that was honest and accurate, that the total of indigenous Papuans in 2010 would surely be less that that provided by the Centre for Statistics (BPS), and conversely the total of non-indigenous would should even greater numbers. As virtually every time, every week there are passenger ships land or planes land in Papua, there are yet more new migrants arriving in the land of Papua. In his book ‘ The Papuan Way : Latent Conflict Dynamics and Reflections of 10 years of Special Autonomy in Papua’, Antonius Ayorbaba stated that the rate of migration to Papua was actually 6.39% and that the population census data for Papua was in truth 30% indigenous Papuans and 70% migrants (See: tabloidjubi.com, 12 January 2012). These figures are starkly different to that data reported by the government.

If we compare the even perhaps overstated BPS figures of the indigenous Papuan population with that of Papua New Guinea (PNG) we see that in 1971 the numbers on PNG at roughly 900,000 weren’t much different to West Papua at 887,000. Whilst by 2010 the PNG indigenous population had soared to 6.7 million compared to Papua’s 1,760,557.  Whether from being killed or having died of ill health, or not able to be born due to the living conditions that Papuans are under, based on the fact that in 1971 their relative numbers were so close, Papuans take this massive relative difference of some 4 million in 2010 to indicate the number of souls lost through the process of annihilation happening in West Papua over that 10 year period.

Conclusion

The Writer is of no doubt that there indeed is occurring a slow but certain process of annihilation of indigenous Papuans in the land of West Papua.

On 15 August 1962 the United Nations mediated the ‘New York Agreement’ between Indonesia and the Dutch in New York bringing about the annexation of Papua into NKRI,  an annexation which was fully supported by the USA and U.N due to their own economic interests.  The people of Papua were not a party to the agreement nor even was there a single Papuan present at the time that agreement was signed.  This was followed by the morally and legally flawed ‘Act of Free Choice’ where a mere 1025 Papuans were required to choose on behalf of the entire Papuan population whether to remain part of Indonesia or not, a process that involved threats to their families and extreme intimidation by NKRI.

For the last 50 years NKRI has tried to divide and conquer Papua following their five Principle Ideology of ‘Pancasila’.  Meanwhile the people of Papua have continued to struggle against NKRI to regain their sovereignty, and have applied an entirely different ideology referred to as the ‘Mambruk’ Ideology {after Mambruk (lit. trans “Bird Of Peace”, the Victoria Crown Pigeon which is a symbol of the Free Papua Movement – WPM}.  Even the very ideologies of the Indonesians and Papuans are at conflict. The end result of this problematic history has been the present consequence occurring in Papua which is a human-made humanitarian disaster. A humanitarian emergency that is horrifying indeed though hidden from the world and not yet acknowledged by the world as even serious.

To act and save the indigenous Papuan race in West Papua from being totally annihilated, the organisation ‘Front PEPERA WEST PAPUA’ stresses that the following needs to occur as a matter of urgency:

1). U.N or another third neutral party needs to immediately mediate consultations on an equal basis between NKRI and the nation (the community) of Papua and to do so without conditions and with the goal of looking for a solution.

2). The International Community whether as individuals, organisations, government or non-government, need to encourage the U.N to mediate in these consultations between NKRI and the Papuan indigenous people.

3) The International Community and the U.N need to pressure NKRI to be involved in dialogue/consultations with the people of Papua as mediated by UN or another third neutral party and in accordance with international standards.

For actioning by all parties involved in this humanitarian crisis.

‘Unity without Limits, Struggle until Victorious!’

By Selpius A. Bobii

 

Selpius Bobii is the General Chairperson of Front Pepera (The United Front of the Struggle of the People of Papua)  and is currently one of the “Jayapura Five”, Political Prisoners held in Abepura Prison, Jayapura, West Papua.  The five (Bobii, Forkorus Yaboisembut, Edison Waromi, Dominikus Sorabut and Agus Kraar) were found guilty in an opaque and predetermined trial of  Treason (Makar) charges, laid after the violent Indonesian security force crackdown on the Third Papuan People’s Congress  in October 2011.

(EDITED BY WPM FOR CLARITY)

 

 


General Assembly of Pacific Churches supports self-determination for West Papua

Tabloid Jubi
14 March 2013
The Tenth General Assembly of the Churches of the Pacific which was held in Honiara, the Solomon Islands from 3 – 10 March adopted a programme of activities to document the human rights violations occurring in West Papua  and in support  of West Papua’s right to independence.The General Assembly adopted  a programme of documenting and effectively advocating justice and respect for the basic rights of West Papua, in partnership together with its ecumenical colleagues, civil society and governments in the region.The press release issued by the General Assembly said: ‘This will mean that West Papua becomes a strong focus and part of the programme of the General Assembly of Pacific Churches for the right to self determination for non-self governing  territories and for nations and people that want independence.’

The delegations attending the meeting declared that they acknowledge the basic human rights of all peoples and in particular the right to self-determination of all indigenous people who are oppressed and colonised throughout the world, in accordance with the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.

The press release also called for the right to self-determination of the Maohi Nui People (Tahiti). The delegates said that the issue of decolonisation has for many years been the focus of the General Assembly of Pacific Churches. They announced their full support for Tahiti to be restored to the UN decolonisation list.

[Translated by TAPOL]

 


West Papua Report March 2013

This is the 107th in a series of monthly reports that focus on developments affecting Papuans. This series is produced by the non-profit West Papua Advocacy Team (WPAT) drawing on media accounts, other NGO assessments, and analysis and reporting from sources within West Papua. This report is co-published by the East Timor and Indonesia Action Network (ETAN). Back issues are posted online at http://www.etan.org/issues/wpapua/default.htm Questions regarding this report can be addressed to Edmund McWilliams at edmcw@msn.com. If you wish to receive the report directly via e-mail, send a note to etan@etan.org.

The Report leads with “Perspective,” an opinion piece; followed by “Update,” a summary of some developments during the covered period; and then “Chronicle” which lists of analyses, statements, new resources, appeals and action alerts related to West Papua. Anyone interested in contributing a “Perspective” or responding to one should write to edmcw@msn.com. The opinions expressed in Perspectives are the author’s and not necessarily those of WPAT or ETAN.

For additional news on West Papua see the reg.westpapua listserv archive or on Twitter.

CONTENTS

  • Civilians Suffer as Security Force Sweeps Perpetuate Cycle of Violence

UPDATE

CHRONICLE

PERSPECTIVE

Civilians Suffer as Security Force Sweeps Perpetuate Cycle of Violence

In late February, the Indonesian military (TNI) and National Police (POLRI) launched new “sweeping operations” in the Central Highlands of West Papua. The security force campaign follows the February 21 attack by the armed anti-Indonesian resistance which killed eight Indonesian military soldiers and two Indonesian civilians in Tingginambut, Puncak Jaya, reportedly carried out by Goliat Tabuni-led elements of the National Liberation Army of the Free Papua Movement (TPN-OPM). These latest Indonesian security force sweeps are disrupting civilian life in communities around Sinak, Gurage, Mulia and Tingginambut in Puncak Jaya District. Papuan leaders have condemned the violence and called anew for a Jakarta-Papua dialogue. (see for example http://westpapuamedia.info/2013/03/06/forkorus-regrets-the-death-of-indonesian-soldiers-and-civilians/ )

The latest “sweeping operation” parallels a similar ongoing operation in the neighboring Paniai area., where “helicopters belonging to illegal gold miners in Degouwo were again being used by Indonesian troops to support the operation.”

The West Papua Advisory Team (WPAT) condemns the February 21 violence. Such violent acts only perpetuate the cycle of violence that has trapped Papuans, particularly in the Central Highlands, for decades.

WPAT vigorously condemns the actions of the Indonesian state security forces which, regardless of the provocation, have a fundamental international obligation to protect civilian life. The seizure and destruction of civilian homes and communal buildings as well as destruction of civilian food sources inevitably will force the flight of civilians to inhospitable forests and mountains. Many of those caught in such a maelstrom will surely soon begin to die.

We call on governments, especially those like the United States which have partnered with Indonesian security forces , to use the influence garnered by such dubious cooperation to bring an end to these sweeps. The United States government, which condemned  the February 21 attack on the Indonesian military is obliged to forthrightly condemn and seek an end to the Indonesian security forces ongoing assault on innocent civilians.

We urge international bodies, especially the appropriate offices of the United Nations, including the Human Rights Commission, to turn their attention to these sweeping operations and which pose a lethal threat to large numbers of civilians.

Humanitarian mechanisms must be immediately established to provide for the welfare of civilians whose lives have been disrupted and the area must be opened to both the humanitarian offices that will undertake that vital work and to credible reporting by journalists and human rights reporters.

As of February 26, the Indonesian security force sweeps had burned at least 18 houses to the ground, destroyed five GIDI (Protestant) churches, and destroyed a library and two schools in Tingginambut, according to reliable church sources who relayed eyewitness accounts to West Papua Media.

The toll on local civilians posed by the military/police operations is grave: “Witnesses have also reported that soldiers are deliberately burning and destroying food gardens and shooting livestock, including over 100 pigs. There are fears of a major humanitarian disaster unfolding with the reports of the destruction of food gardens and livestock, an act of collective punishment on a civilian population,” writes West Papua Media.

Entire populations in villages the area of Gurake, Sinak, Tinggi Neri, Trugi and Nelekom have fled to the mountains. Several thousand people, mainly subsistence farmers, are said to live in the area. Townspeople from Mulia in Puncak Jaya are preparing to flee. As in the past, civilians who flee to the remote forests and mountains face possibly deadly separation from sources of food, shelter and medical care.

Another trademark of these sweeping operations, also employed in the current military/police campaign, is the prevention of reporting on developments by the authorities. The only media personnel allowed into the operations area are those with approval from the Indonesian army. Independent journalists and human rights workers have been prevented from traveling into the area by a de facto Military Operations Area being applied across the entire highlands, including the regional center of Wamena.

Papuan civil and religious leaders Rev. Dr. Benny Giay and Rev. Socratez Sofyan Yoman, among others, have pointed to the failure of Indonesian authorities to control the illegal sale of weapons in the Central Highlands as contributing to the February 21 attack. They have also noted the government’s long term objective of creating a new military command in the Central Highlands, an intention that is well served by violence in the area. “We believe that the Indonesian government and the security forces  are part of the problem of violence [emphasis in original] which has been created by the state, preserved by the state and allowed to continue in order to legitimize yet more acts of violence in the Land of Papua and to take advantage thereof in order to strengthen the security forces,” they wrote.  Both leaders called anew for “the Indonesian government to enter unconditionally into a dialogue based on the principle of equality between Indonesia and West Papua, with mediation by a neutral party, which is what happened in the dialogue between GAM (Gerakan Aceh Merdeka — the Aceh Liberation Movement) in Aceh. ” They urged the release of political prisoners and an end to the violence. Giay is Chair of the Synod of KINGMI Church, Papua; Yoman, Chair of the Executive Board of the Alliances of Baptist Churches in Papua.

UPDATE

Papuans Seek to Join Melanesian Spearhead Group

Radio Australia, on February 5 reported that West Papuans are seeking membership in the Melanesia Spearhead Group (MSG), a regional political and trade block which represents Melanesian peoples in the region, with the exception of the Papuan people in Indonesian-controlled New Guinea. The West Papua National Coalition for Liberation presented its petition asking to join the group to the MSG Secretariat in early February.

The MSG is comprised of four nation states: Papua New Guinea, Vanuatu, Fiji, and the Solomon Islands. The group also includes the FLNKS of New Caledonia. The inclusion of the FLNKS, a non-state actor, could serve as a precedent for inclusion of the Papuan petitioners.

U.S. Author Defames Papuan People; Ignores Consequences of Indonesian Occupation

Papuan civil society leaders strongly protested statements in a book by U.S.-based author Jared Diamond which portray Papuans (in both parts of New Guinea) as warlike and backward. Diamond’s argues in The World Until Yesterday that “most small-scale societies… become trapped in cycles of violence and warfare” and that “New Guineans (Papuans) appreciated the benefits of the state-guaranteed [Indonesian Government] peace that they had been unable to achieve for themselves without state government.”

Papuan leaders noted that Diamond ignored the extraordinary violence meted out to Papuans by Indonesian security forces since Jakarta forcibly annexed West Papua over four decades ago. Diamond also ignored Jakarta’s deliberate marginalization of indigenous peoples in favor of non-Papuan “transmigrants” brought to West Papua in a decades-long project that amounts to ethnic cleansing.

Among the many protests was one by Dominikus Surabut, currently jailed for treason for peacefully declaring West Papuan independence. He aptly compared the relationship of Papuans and the Indonesian state to South African apartheid. In a statement smuggled out of his jail cell, he said, “This is the very nature and character of colonial occupation of indigenous peoples, where they are treated as second class citizens whose oppression is justified by painting them as backwards, archaic, warring tribes — just as suggested by Jared Diamond in his book about tribal people.”

Diamond was sued for defamation by purported “sources” from Papua New Guinea for article published in the New Yorker magazine in 2008. While the suit was withdrawn, it is expected that it will be re-filed soon.

WPAT Comment: The U.S. government leaders, in justifying the betrayal of Papuan self-determination aspirations in the infamous New York Agreement of 1962, similarly demeaned the supposed backwardness of the Papuan people. Both  the U.S. then and Diamond in his recent analysis rely on defamation of the people being victimized.

See various statements by Papuan leaders at: http://assets.survivalinternational.org/documents/877/papuanstatementsupdated.pdf

Tensions Grow Along Indonesia-PNG Border

The Papua New Guinea government announced the deployment of new military forces to its border in order to protect PNG citizens located near the border from the Indonesian military. The surprising February 18 announcement was accompanied by a formal protest by PNG Prime Minister Peter O’Neill’s government over the Indonesia’s construction of new military posts along the border. The protest also addressed Indonesian military harassment of PNG citizens.

WPAT Comment: The Indonesian military has long operated smuggling operations across the Indonesia-PNG border and has regularly harassed Papuan refugees who have fled military pressure from Indonesia-controlled West Papua to Papua New Guinea.

CHRONICLE

A Half Century of Failure

Bobbie Anderson in Inside Indonesia provides a detailed and insightful portrayal of life in remote, rural West Papua. Anderson describes how life is extraordinarily difficult and dangerous for Papuans and writes that the population there is completely bereft of government services. The government’s neglect of the majority of Papuans who live in rural West Papua over a half century is perhaps the most devastating critique of Indonesian governance.

Urgent Appeals on Behalf of Papuans Detained and Tortured by Police

Amnesty International is calling for action to help two men detained in Jayapura. The February 25 Urgent Action states that “Daniel Gobay and Matan Klembiap are currently detained at the Jayapura district police station in Papua province. Police officers allegedly tortured or other otherwise ill-treated them and five other men while interrogating them about the whereabouts of two pro-independence activists.” While the other five were released, the other Gobay and Klembiap “have not received medical treatment and they have not had access to a lawyer since their arrest.”  The Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) also released an alert on the case, as well as a video with an interview with two of those picked up at the same time as Gobay and Klembiap. The two activists, Eneko Pahabol and Obed Bahabol, describe how they “were arrested and tortured by the police on 15 February 2013 on the false allegation of being related with two pro-independence activists.” The video is available on AHRC’s YouTube Channel on http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eMI1HouWMv4.

Prison Torture

On February 22, AHRC has issued an Urgent Appeal on behalf of prisoners at the Abepura Correctional Facility. The appeal cites allegations of  torture by guards. It details how three prison guards “with the acquiescence of the head of the prison,” beat the prisoners “with bare hands as well as whipped [them] with thick wire until some parts of their bodies were bleeding. The guards did not give any medical treatment to the tortured prisoners.”

Papuans Behind Bars

Papuans Behind Bars published an “Update” in which it reports that “At the end of January 2013 there were 33 political prisoners in Papuan jails.”  The Update contains important information on prisoners, prisoner releases and ongoing and upcoming political trials in the region. Papuans Behind Bars is a new grassroots initiative of Papuan civil society groups working together as the Civil Society Coalition to Uphold Law and Human Rights in Papua. The project plans to “provide accurate and transparent data, published in English and Indonesian, to facilitate direct support for prisoners and promote wider debate and campaigning in support of free expression in West Papua.”

The project will publish records of over 200 current and former political prisoners on its website, which will go live in March.

Link to this issue: http://etan.org/issues/wpapua/2013/1303wpap.htm

Back issues of West Papua Report

 


Biak District court decides to continue hearings against two KNPB Biak activists

from KNPB sources in Biak – verified by WPM

March 7, 2013

The Biak district court again carried out the trial against two Biak KNPB  (West Papua National Committee) activists, in the fourth hearing to hear the judge’s decision whether the case is continued or returned to the DA (District Attorney) because of incomplete material.

Biak Prosecutors indicted the two KNPB Biak activists, Barnabasl Mansoben and Paulus Alua, with charges under Indonesia’s national emergency laws for allegedly “intentionally carrying sharp tools and explosive bombs”, which carries a maximum 20-year prison sentence.

The lawyer for two of the KNPB activists said in their defence, the indictments were excessive, and with the absence of strong evidence to prosecute the two KNPB Biak activists, they appealed to the judge to release the two activists.

However, the judge rejected the lawyer’s submission to release the two activists, and said the trial will resume next week, to hear witnesses and examine evidence.

Meanwhile Apollos Sroyer, Chairman of KNPB Biak, said after the hearing that “this is the scenario of Indonesian police to criminalize peaceful movements of struggle performed by the KNPB.”


Three Papuan Civilians Allegedly Seriously Tortured by Wamena District Police

From our partners at SuaraPapua.com

by Oktovianus Pogau

March 8, 2013

 JayapuraOn 7 March 2013, members of the Wamena District Police reportedly arrested three civilians in Pirime, Lanny Jaya Regency, Papua. The civilians have been named as Tinius Kiwo (23), Wurin Tabuni (46), and Kiwenus Tabuni (30).

The three men were allegedly severely tortured after being arrested, with their skin being sliced open by razor blades. Their whereabouts is not currently known.

Chairman of the Fellowship of Baptist Churches in Papua (PGBP), Socratez Sofyan, confirmed the arrests and torture when contacted by suarapapua.com.

“[The allegations are] correct. The three people arrested are members of the Baptist Church. A report I received last night stated that they have been tortured and their skin sliced with razor blades by policemen,” Yoman explained by mobile phone, Saturday (9/3/2013).

Yoman states that he attempted to contact Papua Province Police Chief, Police Inspector General Tiro Karnavian, last night in relation to the arrests. Yoman has not yet received a response.

“I sent the Police Chief an SMS last night. Usually he responds quickly, but even this morning, I have not heard anything from him. The community here is currently searching for the three men arrested by the police,” Yoman said.

The chronology of events, according to Yoman, began on 1 March 2013, when the three men left their village of Pirime, in Lanny Jaya District. They were travelling by plane to Sinak, Puncak District.

After nearly one week in Sinak, the men flew to Wamena District, before returning home to Pirime. They were subsequently arrested and taken to Wamena Police Station.

It is not yet clear why the three men were arrested and tortured. (WPM note: Whilst not clear, massive joint military and police sweeps are occurring throughout the Sinak area after the shooting deaths of eight Indonesian soldiers by West Papuan pro-independence guerrillas).

The Head of Public Relations for Papua Province Police, Police Grand Commissioner Adjutant I Gede Sumerta, did not respond to media enquiries.


Forkorus regrets the death of Indonesian soldiers and civilians

[Our sincere apologies for not posting a translation this item of news on the day it was received. Tapol - and WPM] 1 March 2013

 

Jayapura: Forkorus Yaboisembut, President of the Federal Republic of West Papua, speaking at a press conference, expressed his profound regret regarding the incident in Tingginambut, Puncak Jaya  which resulted in the deaths of eight members of the Indonesian army, the TNI, and four civilians which occurred on 22 February 2013.

Whoever it may have been who was responsible for these deaths, it is deeply regrettable. A shooting incident like this can only result in other killings in West Papua , something that has been happening ever since West Papua was annexed by Indonesia in 1962.

‘We mourn the deaths of the soldiers, along with their families, because members of the Indonesian army as well as civilians were the victims . Things like this can happen again tomorrow, next week or next year, when members of the TPN/OPM can be the victims.This kind of thing goes on happening, when victims fall from both sides. Isn’t there a better way, more humane, something more peaceful, moves that are in keeping with our sense of justice, to resolve the basic issue here in the Land of Papua?’

Forkorus said he regretted the fact that the Indonesian government persist in their policy of a semi-military approach, and the continuation of limited or widespread military operations in an attempt to destroy the state of Papua, ever since the declaration of the Trikora Command by President Sukarno, the first president of the Republic of Indonesia  on 19 December, 1961.

Forkorus, who is also chairman of DAP, the Council of Traditional People, accused the Indonesian authorities of being deaf to the appeals for efforts to find a solution to the political and legal status of West Papua by means of dialogue, taking account of the terms of reference set down by the Papuan people at the Second  Congress of the Papuan People in 2000.

Indonesian leaders continue to pursue the policy of military operations, intel operations, attempts to deal with security  and to conduct programmes of economic development and welfare, in an attempt to prevent West Papua from becoming an independent country.

He stressed that Papua must get its political independence while recognising that this is a matter regarding which there is a difference of opinion with the Indonesian government.

H went on to say: ‘We will continue to press the Indonesian government to take the peaceful and democratic way as the guiding principle of dialogue or negotiations with the Papuan people.’

At the Third Congress of the Papuan People they restored their independence based on   the de facto establishment of West Papua. ‘Furthermore, on two occasions we sent pre-negotiation teams to Jakarta , the first in August 2012 , and the second in October 2012, as a follow-up. Despite the fact that there was no response from the Indonesian government, we were hoping that they would acknowledge receipt of our message and our presentation of material for pre-negotiation moves and the conditions under which the negotiations should be held.

‘In 2013, we will continue to take the same approach, so as not to be regarded as trying to sell a cat inside the sack of negotiations. If there is no response from these moves which have been taken in accordance with the principles of decency, peace and democracy, the NFRPB will call for international intervention , as we wait for the process of negotiation to begin.’

‘We sincerely hope that the Indonesian Government will not proceed with its attempts to destroy the state of Papua as was indicated in the Trikora Command, because such an approach can only lead to there being many more victims on both sides along with the intensification of human rights violations of many types. Enough! Enough!’

[Translation by TAPOL]


Papuan mama-mama should attend the Papua Expo in Jakarta

JUBI,
2 March 2013
The director of the Ecology Papua Instutute, Titus Christoforus announced that a Papuan exhibition will be held at the Convention Centre in Jakarta from 3 April. He said that it should give priority to ensuring the attendance of Papuan mama-mama who use the noken (traditional string bag).He said: ‘I hope that the Papuan Provincial Government will give priority to the mama-mama and their noken at this exhibition.’

He went on to say that the exhibition would involve the Regional Work Units and Event Organisers from Jakarta. This means that in the weeks before the exhibition, special attention should be given to the involvement of the mama-mama.

He also said that this OTSUS exhibition should pay special attention  to the workmanship of people like the mama-mama who lack capital but are very eager to produce their handicrafts. He pointed out that the noken was identified by UNESCO.as a cultural object at a meeting in Paris on 4 December 2012. ‘This makes it all the more important that the mama-mama together with their noken should be involved in the exhibition,’ he said.

Such handiwork depends greatly on how we encourage it, which means that the mama-mama should be involved in the exhibition in Jakarta, he said.

He also said that the noken has become much better known and popular, and it should be presented to the public as a symbol of the identity of the Papuan people.

In conclusion he said: ‘I hope that this exhibition will provide the mama-mama with the maximum motivation and that they should be provided with the necessary facilities for the advancement of their craft.’

[Slightly abridged translation by TAPOL]


Strange conduct in the Pastor Frederika murder trial

from our friends at SuaraPapua.com

Sunday March 3rd, 2013

Investigation by Oktovianus Pogau

There is much that is strange in the process of the trial over the killing of Pastor Fredrika Metalmeti (38) on November 21st 2012 in Boven Digoel, Papua.  The conduct of Military Tribunal III-19 Jayapura gives the impression of protecting the shooter. What is this process? Read below.

On November 21st 2012, a dark history began for the big Metalmeti and Imogoti families in Boven Digoel province and Merauke province, Papua, Pastor Frederika Metalmeti (38), first child of George Metalmeti (68) and Ida Imogoti, was found horribly killed on the Trans Asiki road, Boven Digoel, Papua.

Terdakwa oknum anggota TNI, Sertu Irfan (kanan) sedang mengenakan topi (Foto: Oktovianus Pogau/SP)

Unscrupulous members of the military, Defendant Sergeant Irfan (right) is wearing a hat (Photo: Oktovianus Pogau / SP)

Initially, at around 6:00am, the Head of Komba District, Manyu Waremba (46) together with his wife and child came to the scene of the crime, and found the victim’s body lying in bushes, near the Trans Asiki Road.

“My house is about 200 metres from the scene, early in the morning around 3:30am I heard someone calling for help accompanied by the sound of gunfire. Because I was scared, I intended to investigate in the morning together with my family” said Waremba, in Military Tribunal testimony Dock 5, Jayapura, 11th February 2013.

Waremba immediately reported his discovery of the corpse to three police officers on guard at the police post not far from the location of the body. The three police officers together with local residents eventually came to the scene. Indeed, the body of the woman lay bloody, motionless and stiff.

“After this I called the police station and together with local people we went to the scene, and we found the victim sprawled in bushes with much blood on her body” said Manggaprouw, member of Boven Digoel Police, in their testimony at the Military Tribunal, Jayapura.

Then, the Boven Digoel Police Chief immediately arrived at the scene, accompanied dozens of his men. When attending the crime scene, police found three pieces of ammunition, type FN 45, that were still active.

A pink helmet, belonging to the victim, was also found, as were jeans (denim) shorts. The victim’s shirt was opened to cover her face, which was a men’s shirt reading ‘Kwarcab Digoel District Scouts’.

At approximately 8:00am, police took the body to the Regional General Hospital for autopsy.

Before this, several nuns were asked to bath the victim who later became known to be Frederika Metalmeti, Pastor of the Bethel Church of Indonesia (GBI), Boven Digoel.

The nuns who bathed the corpse claimed to find three gunshot wounds on the victim’s body. The first of these shots on the side right of the head, the second on the left of the chest, and the third on the victim’s right arm.

According to the nuns, the face and back of the victim’s head had been shattered by a blow from a blunt object. Allegedly, the accused wanted to erase the remains of the gunshot wound on the victim’s head.

To determine the perpetrators of the shooting, the police summoned parties believed to have been close to the victim for questioning. There were seven witnesses from the Metalmeti family that were interrogated by Boven Digoel police.

One witness that was summoned was the victim’s younger sister, Helen Metalmeti (30). In testimony to the investigator, Helen told of all she know of the victim whilst she lived, including whom the victim was close to.

“Mr Lieutenant Colonal Eko Supriyanto, former commander of 1711/Boven Digoel, who now serves as the Head of Korem 174/ATW Merauke, was the person most close to the victim.  We know that my sister was dating him, and Mr Eko had come to our home to announce it,” said Helen, when meeting with suarapapua.com recently in Jayapura, Papua.

According to Helen, the relationship between the former Commander of 1711/Boven Digoel and the victim could be said to be very close, as there was an intention to hold a wedding in Malang, East Java, the home region of the former commander.

Whilst the Boven Digoel police were investigating the case which scandalised the residents of Boven Digoel, the Indonesian Military (TNI) in District Military Command 1171/Boven Digoel also conducted an investigation into several of their men.

In Boven Digoel district, no entity, including the Police and the Special Forces Task Force, has arms of type FN 45, except for members of the TNI Intelligence Unit, District Military Command 1711/Boven Digoel.

“After the Boven Digoel Police Chief Commander called the Dandim (Regional Military Commander), I together with several members also visited the scene to see the victim’s body, but because it had already been closed off by police, we could not enter,” said Captain Riki Pelani of District Military Command 1171/Boven Digoel Intelligence unit, when giving a testimony to the Military Tribunal on 19th February 2013.

According to Captain Riki, after knowing of the discovery of ammunition type FN 45, all men of the District Military Command 1171/Boven Digoel Intelligence Unit, totalling 12 people, were gathered to investigate each weapon.

Because, he says, if one has just recently been used to shoot with, then when smelt there will be the smell of smoke at the end of the weapon.

“I ordered First Sergeant (Sgt) Sumarlianto to gather all of our men’s guns, and after this I, together with (the) Dandim, investigated all of their guns in the room. Only the gun of Sgt Irfan was very clean and shiny because it had been cleaned with oil,” said Captain Riki.

According to Captain Riki, since then both himself and Dandim suspected Sgt Irfan as the culprit, as it also became known that Sgt Irfan was close with the victim for the past few months.

“We also received news that indeed Irfan was close with the victim. Dandim ordered us to hold Irfan, and First Sgt Marlianto and I were ordered to investigate Sgt Irfan,” asserted Captain Riki.

Then on November 22nd 2012, at 8:00am after morning assembly, Sgt Irfan was detained in the intelligence room and examined until 6:00pm that afternoon.

“Sgt Irfan did not confess during the questioning. At a meeting with Dandim at 7:00pm that evening, we received a report that Sgt Irfan had escaped.” said Captain Riki.

The escape strengthened the Dandim’s and his suspicions that the person who shot Frederika was Sgt Irfan, so he spread his men to several places to arrest Sgt Irfan.

During two days of searching, the members did not find Sgt Irfan. On the third day, 25th November 2012, he received news that the culprit was hiding in transit, in the Sudirman family home.

“Together with Dandim, several men and I immediately headed to the hiding place of the accused, and we immediately arrested him, and then took him to Korem 174/ATW Meruake for further investigation,” said Captain Riki.

Later, on his way to Korem 174/AWT Merauke. Sgtt Irfan confessed to the shooting of Pastor Frederika Metalmeti, on 21st November 2012.

How is the investigation of the accused progressing with the Police/Military in Merauke? Are the families being informed of the latest of the case investigation? Why did Sgt Irfan recklessly kill Pastor Frederika so sadistically?

Part 2 of this investigation will soon be presented.

Oktavianus Pogau is an independent Papuan journalist and founder of indigenous media outlet SuaraPapua.com.


Paniai: TWO OPM members to face charges: Others are being hunted by police

Bintang Papua
27 February 2013Jayapura: Following the arrest earlier this week of two members of the OPM (Organisasi Papua Merdeka), a spokesperson for the police has stated that the two men, identified by the initials, AG and PG who were arrested in Kampung Ayaigo, sub-district of Kebo, District of Paniai will face charges in court.

The police officer stated that the men  were in possession of explosive materials and ammunition in violation of Emergency Law  12/1951 which allows a sentence, if convicted, of twenty years or life imprisonment.

The spokesperson, I Gede Sumerta Jaya, head  of public relations of the Paniai chief of police, also said that the police were engaged in operations to find other persons on the ‘wanted list’ (DPO) for a series of actions such as shootings and other acts of violence that have been occurring in the area. These other persons were identified by the initials JY, SY and DY.

The men are alleged to have been involved in shootings in Paniai,including the shooting of an ojek driver and holding nine employees of a contractor company as hostages  who were building a school in Kampung Ukawo, District of Siriwo, Paniai. The men were also alleged to have assaulted women and demanded material goods from local people a short while ago.

”We do not know what the motives for the shootings and violence are because we are still interrogating the men,’ the spokesperson said.

Asked about the security situation following the arrest of the two OPM members, the spokesperson described it as ‘conducive’, following  an armed skirmish between the TNI/Polri and the OPM.

The two men are currently undergoing intensive questioning at police command headquarters in Paniai. The two men were caught during sweeping operations by the TNI/Polri after having engaged in an act of terror against the command post of the Paniai Police.

They were said to have in their possession one unit of HT (?), one bullet calibre 7.56 , a hand-phone, personal identifications tabs and Morning Star flags.

End of Translation

 


Eight soldiers and four civilians reported killed in West Papua: Plus Comment

Bintang Papua
22 February 2013

Jayapura: Following the deaths of eight members of the Indonesian army, it is reported that four civilians were also killed in the shooting by an armed group in the district of Tingginnambut, Puncak Jaya.  The names of the four civilians are given as well as the names and ranks of the soldiers who lost their lives.

The chief of police in the area said that the bodies of the victims, the soldiers and the civilians, would be moved  and a team will be set up, in co-ordination wih the army to investigate  the killings. Furthermore, he said that security forces in the area will be strengthened.

[The above is s very much abridged translation of many lengthy reports which have appeared in the press about the fate of the eight  soldiers.]

COMMENT:  While huge attention is being given to the fate of eight members of the Indonesian army, we who have been closely  following the situation in West Papua for years are struck by the fact that little, if anything, is ever reported by the media or the security forces about the scores of Papuans who have been killed or injured, their homes burnt down, villagers evicted from their land, their forests despoiled and trees cut down, with devastating consequences for the local villagers whose lives depend on the forest lands and rivers for hunting and fishing.. With journalists and human rights organisations strictly prohibited from visiting West Papua, the outside world is being kept ignorant of what has been happening to the indigenous population ever since West Papua was fraudulently incorporated into Indonesia in 1963. Carmel Budiardjo]

MAJOR INVESTIGATION COMING SOON FROM WPM

 


Seven Papuans are arrested and tortured on false allegations of having a relationship with pro-independence activists

By Asian Human Rights Commission

Urgent Action report

19 February 2013

The Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) has received information regarding the arbitrary arrest and torture of seven Papuans which took place on 15 February 2013. The victims were driving home in two cars when the police stopped them as they were looking for two pro-independence activists. The victims were later brought to the police station where they were further questioned on the whereabouts of the activists. They were severely beaten, kicked and electrocuted before being five of them were released without charge the next day. However, as at the time of writing two of the victims remain in police custody.

CASE NARRATIVE:

According to interviews and fact gathering conducted by local activists, including Yasons Sambom, on 15 February 2013 at 9am, a silver painted car stopped Daniel Gobay, Arsel Kobak and Eneko Pahabol who were driving on their way home from Depapre to Doprena. Five police officers, one of whom was identified as Iptu Beduh Rahman, got out of the silver-painted car and pointed their weapons at Daniel, Arsel and Eneko. The police then ordered the three men to crawl on their stomachs to Depapre Sub-District Police Station which is approximately 30 metres away from the place where they were stopped. (Picture 1: Eneko Pahabol, source: local activist).

An hour after they arrived at Depapre Sub-District Police Station, Daniel, Arsel and Eneko were taken to Jayapura District Police Station. The police started questioning three of them on the whereabouts of Terianus Satto and Sebby Sambom, two pro-independence activists whom Daniel, Arsel and Eneko do not have any relationship with. Eneko Pahabol told the local activists that he was repeatedly kicked in his face by officers who were wearing police boots. The officers kicked him both in his left and right knees which caused them to bleed. Eneko and his friends were also beaten with a rattan stick as well as being electrocuted on their legs. The police officers pressed the barrels of their guns to their heads, forced them into their mouths and ears. Arsel Kobak told the AHRC that he was asked to take his clothes off and kicked on his head, face and back by the police officers. As a result, his mouth and nose were bleeding, his forehead was wounded and he is now experiencing hearing difficulties.

On the same day at around 10am, the police separately stopped another car which was carrying Yosafat Satto, Salim Yaru, Matan Klembiap and Obed Bahabol. As with Daniel, Arsel and Eneko, they were also stopped by police officers in a silver-painted car in Depapre on their way home. The police officers were wearing civilian clothes and carrying Pindad SS-1 assault rifles which they pointed at Yosafat and his friends. They firstly took Yosafat, Salim, Matan and Obed to Depapre Police Station but later moved them to Jayapura District Police Station. As they arrived at Jayapura District Police Station, Yosafat and his friends were ordered to take their clothes off before the police officers started beating and electrocuting them. The officers also pressed their guns to the heads of Yosafat, Salim, Matan and Obed and asked whether they know anything about the whereabouts of Terianus Satto and Sebby Sambom. None of them know Terianus and Sebby Sambom so Yosafat as well as his three other friends told the police that they do not know anything, an answer that made the officers tortured them even more severely. The officers kicked, beat them with rattan sticks on their backs until they were bleeding, as well as electrocuted them in the face. (Picture 2: Yosafat Satto, source: local activist)

Obed Bahabol told the local activists that they later were interrogated separately and he was the first person to be questioned by a police officer. The police officer jammed the barrel of his gun to his mouth so forcefully that his tooth was broken. The officer also repeatedly beat Obed on his forehead that it was bleeding because Obed told the police that he had no idea on the whereabouts of Sebby Sambom. (Picture 3: Obed Bahabol, source: local activist).

On the next day on 16 February 2013, five of the seven arrested persons were released without charge. As the time of writing, Daniel Gobay and Matan Klembiap are still detained in the police custody, allegedly for possessing bladed articles. However, the charge and their reason of detention are still subject to clarification. Neither Daniel nor Matan has any legal representation as of the time of writing.

ADDITIONAL INFORMATION:

In his report in 2008, the UN Special Rapporteur on Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment highlighted that torture is practised widely across Indonesia, including Papua. In 2010, for instance, the AHRC released a video online which depicts military officers brutally torturing an indigenous Papua. Last year, the AHRC also issued an urgent appeal on the torture of 42 prisoners and detainees by prison authorities at Abepura Correctional Facility.

Despite the abuse took place, little have been done by the Indonesian authorities to make sure the perpetrators are punished proportionately to provide justice for the victims. Military officers who were responsible torturing a Papuan on the video in 2010 were sentenced only to 9-12 months imprisonment while the allegation on torture at Abepura Correctional Facility has never been investigated by the police.

Indonesia has been a state party to the UN Convention against Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment since 1998. Torture is not yet a crime under the country’s legal system that state officials who conducted such abuse are usually unpunished or charged with provisions on assault under the Penal Code whose punishment do not reflect the gravity of the act. For example, the Muaro Sijunjung District Court recently sentenced four police officers responsible for the torture and death of two minors only to 18 months to three years imprisonment.


Response to Call to Apply Indonesia’s Anti-Terrorism Law in West Papua

by Ed McWilliams

February 2, 2013

Edmund McWilliams is a retired U.S. Foreign Service Officer who served as the Political Counselor at the U.S. Embassy in Jakarta 1996-1999. He received the American Foreign Service Association’s Christian Herter Award for creative dissent by a senior foreign service official. He is a member of the West Papua Advocacy Team and a consultant with the East Timor and Indonesia Action Network (ETAN).
In a December 5, 2012 lecture at Stanford University’s International Policy Studies program ( revised January 22, 2013), the respected Southeast Asia analyst Sidney Jones discussed the Indonesian government’s unwillingness, thus far, to categorize the Papuan “ethno-nationalists/separatists” as “terrorists.” Jones identifies these Papuan “ethno-nationalists” and “separatists” as the armed Papuan opposition, Operasi Papua Merdeka (OPM) and what she describes as “an extremist faction of KNPB, the West Papua National Committee, a militant pro-independence organization.” Jones cites various incidents of violence in West Papua that she claims were committed by these “ethno-nationalists and separatists.”


The authors of violence in the Indonesian archipelago, especially violence with complex motives, are never so clear cut as her lecture implies. This is especially true of West Papua where police-military rivalries over access to resources and sources of extortion monies is well known.



Her analysis focuses on the different approaches employed against the West Papuan “ethno-nationalists/separatists” and against Islamic militants (“jihadists”) by prosecutors and the security forces (police, military and Detachment 88). Jones contends that “the discrepancy between the way the two groups are treated by the legal system is untenable.” She considers two alternatives: One would be to employ anti-terrorism law in West Papua, and the other would entail moving away from the use of anti-terror law against “jihadists.” She argues extensively against the latter approach of “pulling back from the use of the anti-terror law.”

Jones contends that pressure for use of the anti-terror law against “ethno-nationalists/separatists” is growing among Islamic observers. In particular, she cites Harits Abu Ulya, director of the Community of Ideological Islamic Analysts (CIIA): “If the government is consistent, then it should acknowledge that attacks motivated by ethno-nationalism and separatism be considered terrorism because they are carried out by an organization with a political vision that uses terrorism to influence the security environment and challenge(s) the sovereignty of the state. Why aren’t we seeing forces being sent en masse to cleanse Papua of separatism?”

Jones’ argument warrants a more detailed critique than space here allows, but even a brief review reveals a number of problems.

Jones summarily credits recent violent acts in West Papua to the “ethno-nationalists and separatists.” This is surprising insofar as Jones is a highly regarded observer of the Indonesian political scene with a deep human rights background. She knows, or should know, that the authors of violence in the Indonesian archipelago — especially violence with complex motives — are never so clear cut as her lecture implies. This is especially true of West Papua where police-military rivalries over access to resources and sources of extortion monies is well known. Jones should know also that military, police and intelligence agencies, have long played the role of provocateur, orchestrating acts of violence which advance agendas that are invariably obscure.

Jones cites what she claims is recent “ethno-nationalist” pressure on the giant Freeport McMoRan mining operation. She ignores the reality that such pressure in the past has frequently been orchestrated by the military, specifically the Indonesian Special Forces (Kopassus). To be fair, Jones alludes to this complexity but largely dismisses it. Her analysis similarly ignores the reality that the Indonesian state has long blocked international monitoring of such security force skullduggery and manipulation of the security environment in West Papua by restricting travel by international journalists, human rights researchers and others to and within the region.

Jones also fails to acknowledge the reality, widely noted in international and local human rights circles, that the Indonesian government has long sought to smear peaceful dissent in West Papua as “separatist.” Jakarta, through the aegis of a corrupt court system and often criminal state security forces, has repeatedly employed the “separatist” label to arrest and prosecute or detain peaceful political dissenters, such as those who display the Papuan morning star flag. Courts regularly resort to charges of treason that date to the Dutch colonial era and widely used by the Suharto dictatorship to intimidate dissidents. Jones’ call for Indonesia to define “separatism” as “terrorism” would deepen Jakarta’s targeting of peaceful dissent and the intimidation of Papuans generally. Use of the anti-terror law would enable the police to detain “separatist” suspects, including those engaging in peaceful protest, for a week rather than 48 hours. The law also empowers the police to employ electronic surveillance. Ongoing efforts would strengthen the anti-terror law to give the police even broader powers to limit the freedom of speech and assembly.


The argument to employ the “terrorist” label against “ethno-nationalist and separatist” groups and individuals in West Papua could have direct legal implications for international solidarity movements.



Jones claim that the West Papua Nationalist Committee (KNPB) is a “extremist,” is without substantiation. Criminal activity by some alleged members of the KNPB is generally not well corroborated and usually reflects efforts by the State to undermine the organization. The KNPB, and many other Papuan organizations and individuals are indeed ever more strongly pressing for Papuan rights, importantly including the long-denied Papuan right to self determination. But these efforts are largely nonviolent.

In recent years, this struggle has found growing support within the international community. Employing the “terrorist” label against “ethno-nationalist and separatist” groups and individuals in West Papua could have direct legal implications for international solidarity movements. In the U.S., groups or individuals who advocate on behalf of groups designated by the U.S. government as “terrorists” are subject to criminal prosecution. Given the close relations among governments, including those of the U.S. and Australia and Indonesia’s security forces, Indonesian government labeling dissidents in West Papua as “terrorist” could have dire implications for the solidarity network. How long would it be before the U.S. and other governments themselves begin to label various Papuan groups and individuals as ‘”terrorist.” U.S. and other international groups acting in solidarity with Papuans seeking to attain their rights could be criminally targeted and charged.

In sum, the Jones analysis is hobbled by the very term “terrorism” which is so poorly defined international law and procedure as to threaten and intimidate even those groups and individuals engaged in peaceful dissent.

In a final note, Sidney Jones, who was the Asia Director for Human Rights Watch from 1989 to 2002, should at a minimum explicitly reject the call by Harits Abu Ulya that she cites in her lecture for the Indonesian government “to cleanse Papua of separatism.” Such rhetoric gives license to the kind of atrocities already visited on the people of the Indonesian archipelago, including Timor-Leste, for far too long.

Also

Posted here: http://www.etan.org/news/2013/01response.htm