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Posts tagged “security approach to political freedom

Testimony of Markus Yenu of his arrest and interrogation

Manokwari, 7th March 2013

Markus Yenu was arrested at the side of the road in from of Daniel Sakwatorey’s house (former political prisoner in Papua, 2008) at Sanggeng Manokwari West Papua. The arrest was by Manokwari’s Criminal Police Unit at 11.32am West Papua time, on the order of Manokwari’s Criminal Police AKP. KRISTIAN SAWAKI. The Manokwari Criminal Police officers were driving a black Inova with the number plate DS.9977.

According to Markus Yenu’s evidence (he’s the Executive Governor of the West Papua National Authority District 2 Manokwari) after he was arrested and taken to the police station at Manokwari, he was immediately taken to an interrogation room and asked to give information about a peaceful demonstration on the 17th January 2013 during which the morning star flag was flown. There were various sized flags flown, and also biased political speeches from several leaders from the Free Papua movement who were inciting people to overthrow the legitimate government.

Markus Yenu also gave evidence that when he was in the interrogation room at the Manokwari Police Station he was visited by Kombes (Pol) Yakobus Marzuki former chief of police in 2008 and now Director of Papuan Police Intelligence. Marzuki told Yenu:

  • Comprehensive data from the Police indicated Markus Yenu was involved with provoking the acts of arson and destruction that three police officers faced on the 5th December 2012 following the shooting of Thimotius Ap.
  • In the near future police plan to meet with Kesbangpol to get rid of all organisations that don’t support the Ideology of a United Republic of Indonesia (NKRI)
  • Eight people are already dead, but police and TNI will be pursuing and removing any subversive groups both in the forest and the city.
  • Whereas for Markus Yenu there was an order from police headquarters to disable him.

According to Yenu, the Director of Papuan Police Intelligence said many other things indicating a threat to human rights and democracy activists in Papua.

Yenu said that, ‘After me, the police will arrest another six people who have been identified as suspects

1). Frans Kapisa,

2). Billy Auparay,

3). Ottow Rumaseb,

4). Jakobus Wanggai,

5). Eliazer Awom, and

6). Zeth Wambrauw

 

Source: WPNA Manokwari

 


Police question Papuan leader over peaceful demo ‘treason’

Written up Pacific Scoop from Social Media Reports by West Papua Media

March 6, 2013

Markus Yenu, Manokwari Governor of the West Papua National Authority (National Federated Republic of West Papua), was forced to appear at Manokwari Police Sector HQ  today (March 6) for questioning over makar (treason) charges relating to the organising of a peaceful mass demonstration almost two months ago.

The executive governor of the West Papua National Authority area 2, Markus Yenu, and the chairman of Solidaritas Pemuda Melanesia Papua Barat, Abraham Wainasiri,  lead a peaceful rally at Manokari on January 17. Image: WPM

The executive governor of the West Papua National Authority area 2, Markus Yenu, and the chairman of Solidaritas Pemuda Melanesia Papua Barat, Abraham Wainasiri, lead a peaceful rally at Manokwari on January 17. Image: WPM

Yenu has not yet been released, and no further information has yet been received about his status – whether he will be charged or released.

West Papua Media has contacted police in Manokwari without reply and the Papua Police Criminal Investigation chief in Jayapura – who claims to know nothing about Yenu’s whereabouts.

On January 17, a crowd of peaceful protesters calling for a referendum on the future of Indonesian-ruled West Papua assembled at a rally point in Manokwari.

The crowd – including students and workers – moved towards the Banyan Tree at UNIPA Manokwari together with the protest coordinator, Alex Nekemen, and speakers, among them Silas Ayemi, the area secretary of Bintuni WPNA),; Abraham Waynarisy (SH chairman Solidaritas Pemuda Melanesia Papua Barat SPMPB) and the pro-independence group KNPB.

Political speeches were made accompanied by slogans of “Papua Merdeka” (“Free Papua”) along the way.

The crowd marched around the city of Manokwari towards an open field.

In front of the office of the State Attorney of the Republic of Indonesia, Markus Yenu openly questioned bout the detainees after a an incident on December 14 – Melkianus Bleskadit, Rev. Dance Yenu and 5 students from UNIPA Manokwari who have been held by police for almost four months without charge.

Earlier story by West Papua Media

 


Biak District court decides to continue hearings against two KNPB Biak activists

from KNPB sources in Biak – verified by WPM

March 7, 2013

The Biak district court again carried out the trial against two Biak KNPB  (West Papua National Committee) activists, in the fourth hearing to hear the judge’s decision whether the case is continued or returned to the DA (District Attorney) because of incomplete material.

Biak Prosecutors indicted the two KNPB Biak activists, Barnabasl Mansoben and Paulus Alua, with charges under Indonesia’s national emergency laws for allegedly “intentionally carrying sharp tools and explosive bombs”, which carries a maximum 20-year prison sentence.

The lawyer for two of the KNPB activists said in their defence, the indictments were excessive, and with the absence of strong evidence to prosecute the two KNPB Biak activists, they appealed to the judge to release the two activists.

However, the judge rejected the lawyer’s submission to release the two activists, and said the trial will resume next week, to hear witnesses and examine evidence.

Meanwhile Apollos Sroyer, Chairman of KNPB Biak, said after the hearing that “this is the scenario of Indonesian police to criminalize peaceful movements of struggle performed by the KNPB.”


Andreas Harsono: Is Repression Against KNPB Legal?

January 4, 2013

by OKTOVIANUS POGAU of SuaraPapua.Com

http://suarapapua.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/01/HARSONO-ANDREAS.jpg

ANDREAS HARSONO, Indonesia Consultant for Human Rights Watch. (FOTO: RIDHA/SuaraPapua)

SUARAPAPUA, Jakarta -  Human Rights Watch (HRW) consultant  for Indonesia, Andreas Harsono, questioned the actions of the Indonesian security forces whose shootings led to the death of 22 members of the West Papua National Committee (KNPB) during the year 2012; 55 people were arrested, and hundreds of others were injured.

‘Given that 22 KNPB members died from shootings, dozens were arrested and unknown hundreds were injured, there has been no transparent judicial process, and no internal mechanism to question police procedures in Papua, we have to raise the question of whether this repression of the KNPB is legal?’.

The statement was re-affirmed by Andreas, when interviewed by suarapapua.com on Thursday 3rd Jan 2013).   According to Harsono , the police may justify their actions by incriminating KNPB members in violence, attacks on transmigrant settlers and security forces, but they still need to make their case transparent.

“The problem for police is working with transparency – can the police show this? At the same time, the KNPB needs to carry out an internal investigation in response to police accusations of involvement in violence’, he said.

Harsono also hopes that the organisation led by Victor Yeimo will quickly announce the outcome of the investigation, along with decisions to dismiss KNPB members found to be involved in acts of violence. As previously quoted, the KNPB head Victor Yeimo has stated that 22 KNPB members were killed in 2012 by Indonesian forces, 55 arrested and many among them are currently listed on the police wanted list.

(Translated by West Papua Media translators)

 


Baptist leader calls for unconditional release of Forkorus

Bintang Papua
11 December 2012
The Indonesian government has been urged to free all political prisoners in Papua, including Forkorus Yaboisembut and Filep Karma. On the occasion of World Human Rights Day,  the human rights defender Socrates Sofyan Yoman spoke about the activities throughout 2012 of organisations such Polri (the police force), the TNI (the Indonesian military) and vicious armed civilian groups. He said 90  incidents of violence had been committed by these groups in all parts of Papua during the year so far.’As we celebrate Human Rights Day,’ he said, ‘we defenders  of human rights urge the Indonesian government to take the following actions:

‘Firstly, in accordance with its constitutional responsibility to safeguard its citizens, the government should acknowledge that the way it treats prisoners, convicts and the citizens in general is brutal, inhumane and demeaning. This includes the way it treats Papuan civil society and Papuan political prisoners. Such activities  should be prohibited, along with all practices that violate the law. Torture must be clearly identified  and criminalised. This would be seen as a concrete sign of Indonesia’s commitment to the International Covnention Against Torture which it officially ratified  by enactment of Law 5/1998

Secondly, the government should agree to adopt a policy that recognises Papuan citizens as victims. In those cases where legal processes have been resorted to, rehabilitation not imprisonment should be the method  chosen. The government should also adopt measures to  inform the general public about the many civilian victims in Papua.

His next point was to ensure that whenever the law on treason is used in a court of law, this should be non-discriminatory and concrete action should be taken to put an end to all criminal activities by the security forces, including judges, public prosecutors and all those people who are in charge of the prisons.

Furthermore,  the rights of all Papuan political prisoners must be safeguarded, including ending all illegal detentions. In cases where confessions were made under duress and without the presence of legal counsel, they should not be accepted as evidence in a court.of law.

The government should create mechanisms for people to be able to initiate charges. Such mechanisms should be available everywhere and in all places of detention and imprisonment.And in cases where charges are brought by detainees, this must be followed through by independent investigations by law-enforcement institutions as well as the National Human Rights Commission.

His next point  was to urge the National Human Rights Commision, the National Commission to End Violence Against Women and the Ombudsman  of the Indonesian Republic, to establish a mechanism  for a fully independent National Protection Unit to visit all places of detention, especially places of detention where persons charged with treason (/makar/) or other political prisoners  are being held as part of the state’s responsibility to act in accordance with the Anti-Violence Optional Convention.

The seventh point was to press the Indonesian government to enter in peaceful dialogue on the problem of Papua, mediated by a third party, one of the aims of which would to end torture and other forms of violence throughout the Land of Papua.

The eighth point was to press the Indonesian government to invite  the UN Special Rapporteur against Torture and Arbitrary Detentions to visit Papua.

The ninth point was to press the Indonesian government  to allow foreign journalists to visit Papua.

The tenth point was that the Indonesian government should accept responsibility for incidents of gross violations of human rights such as the incident in Abepura on 7 December 2000, the Wasior 2001 incident, the Wamena  2003 inicident and other incidents that have already been investigated by the  National Human Rights Commission, and to ensure that  the results of these investigations  are considered at the human rights court and dealt with in accordance with the principles of justice.

With regard to the role of the churches in Papua, it should be acknowledged that their main mission  has been paralysed by the state and governmental system in Indonesia.

Moreover, its prophetic voice is hardly ever heard in Papua, particularly since Papua was integrated into the Indonesian republic by military means and this the integration was preceded by the bloody events surrounding the Act of Free Choice, which continue to the present day.

‘The churches have forgotten or refused to recognise that Christianity arrived in Papua three centuries ago, on 5 February 1855.’

These thoughts were expressed by Socrates Sofyan Yoman during his opening address of the Congress of the Alliance of Baptist Churches in Papua at the Baptist Church in Wamena in October 2012.

He pointed out that his church  has supported the Papuan people with education, religious belief, healthcare and in the economic sphere, and has helped to improve access to the most remote areas by establishing small airfields which cater for small aircraft, with alll the risks this involves.

The church’s  missionaries live in close proximity with the Papuan people and help to foster the dignity of the Papuan people.in sharp contrast to what Indonesia has done since Papua’s integration, when it became a colonial power, a fact that is rarely criticised by the churches.

As a church leader, Yoman said that he not only studies the Bible but also learns from the history of Papua.  He has learned a great deal from this history, in particular the many untruths that have been told.  It is the role of the churches to insist on correcting these untruths, he said

Until now the churches talk about  ‘peace and well being’ but God’s people are continually  stigmatised as treasonous and accused of being part of the OPM.

As a church leader, he rejects all these allegations  and believes that Christians  must reflect of God’s will, as is stated in Genesis 1:26.  For all these reasons, he said in conclusion:

‘I will continue to speak out and will do everything I possibly can to share in the sufferings of God’s people. There is no future for Papua if it continue to remain a part of Indonesia. Papuans cannot live normal lives The churches must speak out about this and integrate themselves with those people whose very identity has been destroyed. It must speak out about  justice, equality  and the freedom  of all humankind regardless of race, ethnicity, culture or religion.

[Translated by TAPOL]

 


Papuan human rights activist calls on Komnas HAM chairman to resign

Bintang Papua
5 December 2012
Jayapura: The  pro-independence human rights activist. Sebby Sambom, in a statement published in Bintang Papua, called on the chairman of Komnas HAM, the National Human Rights Commission, Oto Nur Abdullah to resignThis came in response to a statement by Nur Abdullah which, according to Sebby Sambom, appeared to legitimise military operations in Papua.

‘In response to the comment by the chairman of the Komnas HAM, as published  in the mass media on 28 November with regard to military sweepings in the district of Lanny Jaya , we pro-independence activists call on the chairman of Komnas HAM to resign.’

Sambom said that the statement appeared to legitimise the military operations being waged by  the Indonesian military, either directly or indirectly, against the indigenous Papuan people in Pitriver and the highlands region of central Papua.

According to Sebby Sambom and his colleagues, the statement made by the Komnas HAM chairman was dangerous and would  be detrimental to the indigenous people in Papua.

This is why, he said, we make the following demand. ‘The chairman of Komnas HAM should clarify the statement he made  that the events in Lanny Jaya cannot be described as human rights violations.’

He said that the statement fails to take account of international humanitarian law.

He went on to say that  if the chairman of Komnas HAM fails to resign, Komnas HAM should issue an official statement calling on TNI/Polri, the Indonesian army and police, to end their military activities and withdraw from the highlands in central Papua.

‘It is a great pity that the chairman of Komnas HAM fails to understand that  there are regulations regarding the waging of war and he fails to appreciate that his statement could be used as a ‘weapon’ by the security forces. We greatly regret this,’  said Sambom

[Translated by TAPOL]


Giay: West Papua – Land of Mourning, Bloodshed (Peace?) and Humanitarian Intervention

From Kingmi Church  - Papua

edited by WPM for clarity

Also at Numbay Media — posted on Engage Media website

June 28, 2012

Rev. Benny Giay
Diplomatic Briefing, Hotel Trefa
Jakarta, June 27, 2012

Papua Land of Mourning And Bloodshed (Peace????) And Humanitarian Intervention[1]

Rev. Benny Giay

Since May 2012 until June there has been a series of shootings in Jayapura in the context of our struggle to fulfill our “Papua land of peace” dream. The government has claimed the shooting has been carried out by separatist groups. Papuans respond to such claim is as usual: “Oh itu lagu lama. The authorities are playing the old song.”

One way to respond to that “old song” is to look at the root cause of shootings that ended with the killing of Mako Tabuni on 14 June, followed by the arrest of other members of KNPB in Papua a few days ago. In my view this development has something to do with (a) first of all how 2 different actors (Indonesia and Papua) that belong two {separate} cultures (Malay and Melanesia) view themselves and their past. Indonesia’s view is that Papua has become part of Indonesia and has been in contact since 8th century with them. Therefore Papuans are brothers.

Papuans on the other hand believe that it might be true that Papuans has been dealing with the ancestors of the rest Indonesians for several centuries, but that contact occurred in context of domination, slave trade and oppression. The contact between the two parties was one of master – slave  relations. Therefore, Papuans see their past relations with Indonesia (Tidore, Ternate and Maluku etc.) as history of robbery, slavery, destruction of their villages and burning of Papuan community settlements.

Secondly since 1960s when Indonesia took over Papua,  Papuans were viewed {By Indonesians} (and have been viewed until now) as primitives, backward, uncivilized people; and therefore Jakarta since that time promoted itself as the guru, the teacher of new civilization to “lift up socio-economic welfare of Papuans”. Jakarta then formulated what an Indonesian scholar call: migrant biased development policy (which in brief is a policy made by central government to guarantee the interest, safety and future of Indonesian migrants in Papua, while ignoring Papuan identity, culture and their future.) Papuans have no place in such a development scheme. Papuans are non humans. Second class citizens. This Indonesian neo-colonial policy (if we can use that term) was from the beginning up to now has been guarded by security institutions. Papuans who resisted this undemocratic policy has been dealt with by security forces.

Thirdly, as a result Papua has become “site of mourning”, “site of collective trauma”, and a site of oppression and mourning”. Three days of mourning that we had (June 14-16) as we gathered in Post 7 Sentani after the killing of Mako Tabuni, was not a new thing.  We only repeat what our past generation went through since 1960s. Facing such migrant biased development (or Indonesian colonial policy) as shown above, we, Papuans since 1960s are like the Javanese of 1900s Central Java, who were treated as second class citizens by the Dutch (as Indonesian history books say today); or Black South Africans of 1940s who suffered under apartheid policy. In fact this “migrant biased development policy” I think is “an Indonesian version of apartheid racial policy” toward Papuans. Theologically speaking Papuans of today and in the past have  been living under modern Pharaoh or modern Goliath, supported by the international community and multinational companies who had come to Papua and robbed the natural resources, killing off the Papuans.

Fourthly, the killing of Mako Tabuni by Indonesian Police has to be seen in the light of history of Papuan resistance to Jakarta’s migrant development policy pointed out above. Mako Tabuni and other civilians who voiced their right and grievances have been and are stigmatized as separatist. Mako, who was leading a civilian {civil society} group using peaceful means in demanding Referendum, has been seen as a threat to Indonesian political interest. This strategy to stigmatize was used by Erfi Triassunu, former Military Chief, in March 2011. He issued a confidential document saying that Papuan Christian Church (Kingmi – of which I am the Chairman of its Synod) is a religious arm of the Papuan Liberation organization (OPM). Other Church leaders of Papua in September 1966 were accused by security forces in Papua as an umbrella organization of OPM. Similarly Papuan NGOs who {promote advocacy around} human right abuses in the past have been seen in the same light.

The question now is who is behind the shootings that started May? According to Government it is Mako of KNPB, and Mako or KNPB is OPM. I can see the shootings from the point of view 3 actors, each of with their agendas.  First party is Mako or KNPB who represent Papua demanding referendum to deal with new modern Pharaoh. Second actor is a small and insignificant group of international solidarity group with agenda for democracy and promotion Papuan human right. Third actor is Jakarta: who fears the threat of disintegration and panic; not willing to change the approach to Papua; hold on to the sacred doctrine “territorial integrity” with the support of international community”. And that it is OK to use military or Police force to kill or annihilate separatist group to maintain “the territorial integrity”. Looking at the history of civilian’s resistance the shooting since May of this year was carried out by agents of Government to weaken the civilians struggle for referendum using means of non violence. Jakarta’s fear that is the international solidarity groups would promote the cause of Papuan civilians at the international niveau (level).

Jakarta is now on safer ground. They have has shot dead Mako Tabuni whom they accused as OPM agent. But the dream for “Papua: Land of Peace” remains a dream. Police and military are still searching for the members of KNPB. Military and Police are in control. Papua is still a land of mourning, a land of trauma and bloodshed. Modern Pharaohs and Goliath are in control in Papua today.  It is here that we need “third party” as it is in the case of Israelites and Pharaoh (Exodus 3:7-9). Papua need a moratorium”. Now is the time for Papua and Jakarta to formulate “new Indonesia”. But to do this we need a “humanitarian intervention”.

Toch, perpetrators of Human right violations in Papua will never be taken to court. They in fact will be promoted. Paulus Waterpauw (Deputy Police Chief of Papua) and Bigman Lumban Tobing (Papua Police Chief) will follow the footsteps of Col. Hartomo, the Kopassus commander who ordered the abduction and the killing of the late Theys Hiyo Eluay in November 2001; he was promoted last week as another high ranking military elite in Jakarta.

Jakarta, June 27, 2012

Rev. Benny Giay

Ketua Synode Kingmi di Tanah Papua

(Papuan Christian Church)


[1] I am dedicating this reflection to pastors and the ministers of the Lord, in Papuan Church History who were shot dead by Indonesian Security Officers in the past out allegation that they were agents of Papua Liberation Organization.


Law student says that Papuans don’t feel safe anywhere

JUBI, 21 June, 2012

A Papuan who is currently studying law in Jayapura said that because of all the vertical and horizontal (conflict) problems, the Papuan people cannot feel safe anywhere in their homeland which is now under Indonesian control.Sani Dominggus said : There is nowhere here where Papuans can feel safe, whether they are intellectuals or wealthy people, they are always regarded with suspicion.’

He said that the fact is that the security forces in Papua always treat Papuan people without the slightest sense of humanity and always handle them with the use of their firearms. ‘None of the personnel of the security forces behave towards Papuan people along ethical lines. All they do is shoot people.’

He said that this system of extreme repression has resulted in Papuan people never feeling safe. ‘How do they think we can live like this? Even when I just want to go for  a walk,  I dont feel that it is safe to do so There is always the feeling of being under threat.’

A clear example of this is that Mako Tabuni was unaccountably shot by the police. ‘How can the police say that he resisted the police? There were no plans to hold a demonstration, so why was he shot?’

‘If Mako Tabuni was regarded as a threat to the Indonesian state, the government should have used legal procedures. This would mean that he is sent a summons, then a second summons, and then a third one.But none of this happened. This means that when the police shot him dead, this was a gross violation.  of human rights.’

He went on to say that the arrest of Buchtar Tabuni did not occurr in conformity with legal procedures. The way the police behave has nothing to do with ethics, all they know is how act with brutality.towards everything that happens in Papua.’

He said that this will never help to solve the Papuan problem. ‘Everything that the government does only reinforces the independence aspirations of the Papuan people.’

‘The murder of Mako will only result in the emergence of more Makos,’ he said. He also said that the government should be putting into  practice the provisions of the Law on Special Autonomy for Papua such as for instance Article 2 which provides for regional symbols and for the existence of local political parties.’

[Translated by TAPOL]


KNPB: We never seek justice from Indonesia

Bintang  Papua, 4 May 2012

Jayapura: Following the death of a sympathiser of the KNPB, the deputy chairman of the organisaation Mako Tabuni said that such a thing is part of the risk of the KNPB’s struggle for a referendum. ‘ We do not regard such things as a violation of human rights  but as part of the risk of our struggle,’ he said.

He said that they recognise that loss of life and loss of property  are inevitable.

He said that with regard to the latest victim, they were not intending to seek justice from Indonesia ‘because none of the victims which we have suffered has resulted in justice for the Papuan people.’

With regard to reports alleging that skirmishes said to have been caused by the KNPB masses and in which one student and one member of the security forces were injured and one young man died, he said that he would take responsibility if the police try to prove this.

In a press release issued by the KNPB, the organisation made the following demands:

1.    The Indonesian government should recognise the political right of the Papuan people to determine their own future by means of a referendum because the process of annexation following the New York Agreement of 16 August 1962 violated the principles and standards of international law and universal human rights.

2.    As from 1 May 2012, the Papuan people herewith declare that the presence of the Republic of Indonesia on Papuan soil is illegal and the  Papuan people only recognise the national parliamentary administration of West Papua.

3.     The Dutch people, the Indonesian people and the United Nations must accept responsibility for the hand over of of the administration of the West New Guinea Council/West Papua to the Government of Indonesia on 3 May 1962, without the consent of the Papuan people who were the ones involved in the dispute.

4. The Papuan people are ready to struggle for their right to self-determination by all means possible.

5. That the Papuan people should not become panic-stricken in the present situation.


Forkorus’ eye problems not properly dealt with

JUBI, 18 April, 2012
Forkorus Yaboisembut, one of five Papuan activists who was recently sentenced to three years for his participation in the Papuan People’s Congress held last October, is now known to be suffering from eye problems.This was stated by Olga Hamadi, a member of the team of lawyers who have been defending Forkorus and his four co-defendants.

‘Forkorus complained about his eye problems  when we paid him a visit last week,’ said Olga Hamadi, and added that he was not getting proper treatment for the problem. ‘I was taken to the polyclinic but the treatment I had there was not satisfactory,’ Forkorus told his lawyer.

The Dewan Adat Papua – Papuan Customary Council of which Forkorus is the chairperson said that they too have reported the problem to the authorities at the Abepura Prison where Forkorus is being held. Forkorus has also sent a letter about the problem to  the High Court in Jayapura.’ His lawyer said that Forkorus had asked for their help to submit his letter to the High Court.

According to Olga Hamadi, the eye problem is not too severe and Forkorus is otherwise in good health.


Sentences of Forkorus and colleagues lengthened by sixty days

JUBI, 16 April 2012
Gustav Kawer, a member of the defence team of Forkorus and his co-defendants, has confirmed that the sentences of his clients have been lengthened for the second time.The reason for the second lengthening was that the documents relating to the case  had not been sent  by the District Court to the High Court in Jayapura.Following the first addittion of thirty days, the material had not yet been examined, resulting in another thirty days been added to the sentences.

Olga Hamadi, another member of the defence team, confirmed that the sentences had been lengthened, saying that the High Court in Jayapura had issued a statement to the effect that the sentences of the five men, Forkorus Yaboisembut, Edison Waromi, Selpius Bobii, Dominikus Surabet and Agust Kraar had been lengthened.

Meanwhile, Gustaf Kawer said that they would be holding a press conference with regard to their appeal against the sentences. This will take place on Wednesday  this week,’ he said.

He said that the men were  put on trial following the Third Papuan People’s Congress which was held last October because events during that Congress were deemed to be an act of treason.


Two Papuan tapols with paralysis are waiting for permission to get treatment

JUBI,
30 March 2012

Two Papuan political prisoners who are being held in Biak Prison say that they are  waiting for permission to go to Jayapura for medical treatment.They are both suffering serious medical conditions.

Jefrai Murib said that he and his colleague Apot Lokobal are waiting for information from their lawyers and from the Department of Law and Human Rights  about their transfer to Jayapura for treatment. One of their lawyers, Lativa Anum Siregar told them they would have to wait until after the case of Forkorus and his colleagues has been completed.

[Note: Forkorus and his four co-defendants were sentenced to three years on 16 March 2012. Their lawyers have just announced that the five men are due to lodge an appeal against the sentence on 2 April. No date has yet been set for when the appeal will be heard which is likely to be weeks ahead. This means that these two suffering  tapols are likely to have to wait for at least several weeks if not months before getting the medical attention which they urgently need. According to another of their lawyers,  Olga Hamadi,  they will appeal against the sentence and call for the release of the five prisoners. They will argue that the court failed to prove that the five men were guilty of makar (treason). - Tapol]

As has previously been reported, lawyers at the Forkorus trial  said that none of the witnesses heard in the trial had given testimony about the alleged role they were said to have played; according to KUHAP, the Criminal Procedural Code Article 110 they should be proven to have been involved in a conspiracy.

Furthermore, 69 items of evidence were mentioned at the Forkorus trial, of which only one was presented during the trial, namely a banner.

Forkorus and his four co-defendants are now serving their sentences in Abepura Prison.TAPOL]

Jefrai Murib, one of the ailing tapols said they will have to wait till after the  Forkorus trial has been completed as well as after another of their colleagues, Kimanus has been treated for another ailment.

Jefrai Murib said the right side of his body is completely paralysed because of a stroke. ‘My right hand is also paralysed. Just going to the toilet is very difficult indeed for me..’

His colleague Apot Lokobal  said that he too is waiting for a permit to get medical treatment in Jayapura. He said that his condition is not as bad as that of his colleague Jefrai who is much more seriously ill. He is suffering from the same condition as Jefrai, with the right of his body paralysed.

The two men were arrested and sentenced for their involvement in an assault on an ammunitions dump of Kodim 1702, Wamena. Another twelve tapols were also tried and sentenced in connection with the same incident.

[Abridged in translation by TAPOL]


Sambom: ‘Imprisonment will never silence Papuans’

JUBI, 19 March 2012
A leading Papuan human rights  activist has said that the Indonesian government will never be able to silence the Papuan struggle by putting Papuans behind bars. On the contrary, he said, it has the reverse effect by making people more determined than ever.

Sebby Sambom made these comments in an interview with JUBI in connection with the three-year sentence given to Forkorus Yaboisembut and his four colleagues last week.

‘Indonesia has neither the power nor the legal means to punish Papuans by silencing them with regard to their aspirations for an Independent Papua,’ he said.

He said that whenever Papuans take action, they are brought before the court and given a prison sentence. This is the way the government behaves which is simply unacceptable. Even though Papuans have done nothing wrong, they are thrown into prison.’

He said that any Papuan who takes action faces the prospect of being jailed. People keep on being arrested, put on trial and thrown into prison but this will never silence the Papuan people.

He went on to say that  as the number of Papuans being held behind bars goes on increasing , this will help to alert the international community to get involved in solving the Papuan issue.

‘With all these political prisoners,’ he said, ‘international support will become more positive.’

Sebby said that Forkorus  is a loyal Papuan leader who is very serious about the Papuan struggle. ‘He is doing everything he possibly can to bring an end to our sufferings,’ His attitude was very clear from the remarks he made after the verdict was announced. ‘We were pleased with the verdict and our struggle will continue,’ said Sambom.

Translated by TAPOL


Kontras: court ruling against Forkorus far from human rights principles and spirit of fair trial

The court ruling against Forkorus CS
Still Far from the human rights principles and the spirit of fair trial

The Commission for the Disappeared and victims of violence (KontraS) has regretted over the verdict of the judges in the District Court of Jayapura, West Papua, which sentenced Forkorus Yaboisembut, S. Pd, Edison Kladeus Waromi and three others, Dominikus Surabut, August M. Sananai Kraar dan Selpius Bobii in jail for 3 years on 16th March 2012. Despite each of the sentence is lighter than indictment of the prosecutor for five years in jail, it is still far from the principle of a fair trial and not socializing with the idea to build a Peaceful Papua through the dialogue.

Indonesia, as a democratic country and adopted a number of international instruments for human rights, the government is suppose to solve the problems in Papua more wisely, in the particular case of the verdict of the treason charged to Forkorus Cs. The court is not supposed to be conducted as there is another way around which will more effective and dignified based on the human rights instruments such as through the dialogue that will socialize the case so far.

The treason charged to Forkorus Cs, in fact, is considered too extreme as no one has used violence or violates any of the national rules and regulations during the congress of Papuan People III that held in 17 to 19 October 2012. What Forkorus Cs has conducted is a part of freedom of expression in peaceful manner which stated in Universal Declaration on Human rights article 19, Civil and political rights convention article 19 and 20, and also in other international rules and regulations. From the view of the domestic regulation framework, the guaranty of the freedom of expression is also stated in national regulations such as in 1945 Constitution, Law no 39 in 1999 and Law no 12 in 2005 that related to human rights which ratified in civil and political rights covenant. It is stated by defendants’ lawyers under their defence which is known as Bring democracy to the court and struggling peace for Papuan People.

Based on the result of the investigation and monitoring of the national human rights commission, the allegation of human rights abuses were committed by the security forces (police and military), in the forms of excessive force, violence, torture and other cruel treatments. However, the fact-finding mission was never followed up by the legal basis either by the police or national human rights commission.
By observing the sentences read by the panel judges which consisted of Jack Johanis Octavianus, SH as chief justice and four other members of judge, I Ketut Nyoman Swarta, SH.MH, George Mambrasar, SH.MH, Orpa Martina, SH, Willem Marco, it has raised a number of problematic notes that need to be questioned based on the information collected by the coalition of civil society organizations, which dedicated to enforce the law and human rights in Papua such as:

Firstly, the sentence of the panel judges show inconsistency in case of dealing with evidences related to the treason. The judges argued that the defendants have convincing and legally proven by law related to the articles of treason and proven to conduct an experiment.
Secondly, no credible witnesses have been brought to the court. While only one witness who comes from the society, seven other witnesses are coming from the police who did not see directly what happened in the field. So, of course they against the defendants and moreover, another five witnesses who come from the society also against defendants too during their testimonies of the court hearing. Those five people who testified in the court are also the participants of the demonstration that arrested and violated by the police during the process of interrogation. Their witnesses are not supposed to be in any consideration during the hearing.

Thirdly, during the hearing, the judges were able to present only one evidence or banner, while there have to be mentioned 69 evidences that the sentence referred to.

Fourthly, Gustav Kawer, one of the lawyers was criminalized because he was assessed as person who disturb the hearing.
KontraS supported the measurement taking by the lawyer who would file an appeal over the judgement since the hearing is not matching with the human rights principle and fair trial. She has submitted questions to the government regarding its commitments to solve problems in Papua through peace process, considering that the way which the government criminalized and implemented the article of treason would make the peace discourse further in Papua. The agenda to push the peace process in Papua is supposed to be fitted within the policy conducted by the government such as to stop the implementation of treason articles indiscriminately and to free from arbitrary arrest to who have not committed any violence or violation during the demonstration.

Jakarta, 16 Maret 2012
Badan Pekerja,

Indria Fernida
Wakil Koordinator

Contact Person: 08161466341 (Indria Fernida)


Acts of violence are damaging the Papuan people, says DPD member

Bintang Papua, 8 August. 2011

Sofia Popy Maipauw, a member of the DPD, the Council of Regional
Representatives, said that the recent upsurge in acts of violence that
have been occurring in the Land of Papua can be very damaging for the
Papuan people and called on those who are responsible for all this
violence to stop.

She said she doesn’t want to mention any names but insists that all
those involved in violence should stop. The incident in Ilaga, district
of Puncak Jaya and the Nafri incident in Jayapura have been very
harmful for indigenous Papuan people. These incidents have had damaging
consequences for the economy. People living in the kampungs are afraid
to come to the markets to sell their products, which can result in an
increase in the price of these products, she told journalists in Jayapura.

She went on to say that the indigenous Papuan people are much weaker
economically than other people in the province which means that these
acts of violence can be very burdensome for them.

‘I would like to know what the state intelligence agency, BIN, has been
doing all this time. The recent shootings in Papua are not the first
time such things have happened. They keep on happening but no action has
been taken against those responsible,’ she said.

She said that in November last year, a similar incident occurred in
Nafri but no one has been arrested and held to account for this
incident. Incidents like this, she said, give the Papuan people a very
bad reputation. Such stigmas must end so that Papuans can feel
comfortable as part of Indonesia.

She went on to say that SBY, the president, should not keep silent about
problems in Papua but should take action to prevent these incidents from
occurring and ensure that these incidents are dealt with seriously. She
said that this was a huge challenge for the new chief of police who
should take action regardless of who is involved. ‘The acting governor
of Papua should take responsibility for safeguarding the forthcoming
local elections. He should cooperate with the Elections Commission (KPU)
of the province of Papua to deal with any violations that occur during
the elections,’ she said.


Two Papuan prisoners allowed ten days respite

JUBI: 17 February 2011

Two Papuan prisoners, Melkianus Bleskadit and Dance Yenu, both of whom are alleged to be involved in flying the 14-Star flag in Manokwari, West Papua on 14 December 2010 have received notification from the attorney-general in Manokwari giving them respite from their imprisonment (pembantalan?).

Simond Riziard Banundi, one of the lawyers working for the two men, said that the letters have been issued to give them time to rest at home. ‘Our two clients have received these letters from the attorney-general to free them for a time, so as to rest in their homes,’ said Banundi. But he said that this would not be possible because what they need is treatment to deal with their physical conditions.

He said it was true that the attorney-general had given the two men ten days respite, from 12 till 21 February . ‘We have received the letters,’ he said, ‘and our clients are currently being treated in hospital.’

[NOTE: The word used for the letter - pembantalan - is one that we are not familiar with in this connection and our dictionary hasn't helped. We posted several articles about these prisoners yesterday. TAPOL]


Reader reply: Australia and Kopassus

http://securityscholar.wordpress.com/2011/01/14/reader-reply-australia-and-kopassus/

Security Scholar

Reader reply: Australia and Kopassus

14/01/2011
by Natalie Sambhi

Associate editor at Australian Policy Online and Researcher with the Monash Global Terrorism Research Centre at Monash University, Andrew Zammit provides comment to my post on Australia’s options with Kopassus.

Comer’s critique of the Leahy amendment highlights many flaws in its implementation, but his suggested modifications don’t really provide a way forward for dealing with Kopassus. His suggestion that Leahy should include a mechanism to re-legitimise units which have cleaned themselves up and purged human rights-abusers is perfectly sensible. But the problem with Kopassus, made clear in the human rights reports mentioned in the Deutsche Welle article you cited, is not only past violations but continuing ones, albeit on a far lesser scale. So a Leahy amendment with Cromer’s modifications would probably continue to restrict aid to many Kopassus units.

A theme underlying Comer’s piece was that efforts to tackle human rights abuses are more likely to be successful when they are consistent. I’d suggest it follows from that that Australia’s position should be closer to that of the US Congress.

US Congressional efforts to hold the Indonesian military accountable have repeatedly been undermined by those who, I’d argue, should have been supporting them. In the mid 1990s the Clinton administration provided high levels of assistance to the Indonesian military that at very least violated the spirit of the Congressional restrictions. The Bush administration criticised the restrictions publicly and repeatedly, which may have signalled to the Indonesian military that the US was not completely serious about human rights reform. As your post pointed out, Obama also undermined Congressional efforts in 2010. In addition to this, throughout these past two decades Australia provided military assistance to Indonesia with fewer restrictions than the US (excluding the period immediately after the East Timor referendum, when both the US and Australia cut off military aid).

These inconsistencies would have greatly weakened the pressure that the Leahy amendment and other restrictions were intended to apply, and may well be more important than the specific flaws in the Leahy amendment described by Comer.

Current Kopassus commander, Major General Lodewijk Paulus, has stated that he hopes America’s position on assistance to the Indonesian military becomes closer to Australia’s; I hope it’s the other way round.

http://securityscholar.wordpress.com/2011/01/11/australias-options-on-kopassus-and-human-rights/

Australia’s options on Kopassus and human rights

11/01/2011
by Natalie Sambhi

Last week, the Indonesian National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) released its preliminary report into the alleged torture of Papuans by the Indonesian military (TNI). Quoted in a Deutsche Welle report on 4 January, the head of the commission, Ifdhal Kasim, confirmed that members of TNI had “grossly violated human rights”. The DW piece finished with Phil Robe’s (deputy director of Human Rights Watch’s Asia Division) call for Australia to put pressure on Indonesia to reform TNI’s Army Special Forces, Kopassus, or risk losing credibility as a country that respects human rights. I was curious to know exactly what HRW meant by “pressure”.

In their open letter of 26 October 2010, HRW recommended two lines of action for the Australian Prime Minister: first urge the Indonesian government to undertake further investigations and disciplinary action into allegations of abuse by the military, to adopt legislation to provide civilian criminal court jurisdiction over military personnel responsible for offenses against civilians, and to investigate allegations against Detachment 88; and second tighten up and make public Australia’s vetting procedures for Indonesian security forces.

While there have been perennial calls (ostensibly by HRW but also within the Australian press, most recently here) for Australia to get involved, here I examine how much credence HRW’s recommendations deserve.

The first set of recommended actions­even if they are in keeping with Australia’s foreign policy leanings­is tantamount, from Indonesia’s perspective, to meddling in another country’s affairs; President SBY warned Prime Minister Gillard ahead of her November visit to Jakarta that Australia’s interference in torture cases was not welcome. Later, during her trip, Prime Minister Gillard accepted President SBY’s assurance that a “full and transparent investigation” would take place. In light of the resultant investigations carried out by Komnas HAM, it is highly unlikely that any other tangible and productive outcome would have transpired from more vocal chiding on behalf of Australia.

The second set of HRW recommendations­that is, for Australia to adjust its own rather than Indonesia’s approach to human rights concerns­is far more appropriate. As I have proposed elsewhere, the adoption of a legal standard against which Australia can measure human rights reform within foreign militaries is, albeit complex and ambitious, a pragmatic way of reconciling our foreign policy with our defence engagement. A useful departure point could be the Leahy Amendment to the Foreign Assistance legislation (see s502B and subsequent appropriationslegislation). In short, Leahy prohibits US security assistance to military units where there is credible evidence that they have committed “gross violations of human rights”.

That said, Leahy is no silver bullet, and it is worth examining some of the challenges involved in adopting a similar legalistic approach. Many of the finer points of these challenges are elaborated further in Charles K. Comer’s critique, but here, I will draw out a few.

First, the wording of any test for human rights standards and vetting must be carefully constructed. In the case of Leahy, funding is barred for units rather than individuals where credible evidence demonstrates a gross violation of human rights. In the case of the US and Indonesia, two TNI officers with exemplary records who were denied US funding despite having been born after the violations alleged to have been carried out by their unit occurred (Comer: 63-64). This situation is somewhat mitigated by Australian vetting procedures which seek to minimise contact with individuals who have backgrounds of concern, however there remains a lack of accountability to which standards these backgrounds are compared. The framework provided by Leahy could complement current vetting procedures.

Second, if adopted, Leahy must be applied consistently to all foreign military partners. As Comer notes, “[i]n the case of Indonesia, units, either cohort or composite, receiving training must undergo full vetting to include the history of the unit itself. By comparison, unit vetting in the Philippines consists of vetting only the unit commander or most senior individual in the case of a composite unit.”

Third, Wikileaks cables released in December 2010 revealed that a ban on training (enacted by Leahy) between the US military and Kopassus was lifted due to pressure by Indonesian President SBY (Indonesia denies pressure was applied to lift the ban). Unsurprisingly, this brings to light the ways in which legal protection of human rights standards can be trumped by realpolitik concerns. In the words of Australian Defence Force Academy associate professor Clinton Fernandes, ”[t]he decision to renew links shows contempt not only to the victims of gross human rights violations but to members of the US Congress.” Nonetheless, that Leahy continues to serve as a yardstick of US expectations on human rights remains important, when applied and upheld correctly.

By no means should Australia be merely reactive to the calls by organisations like HRW, however, it is worth continuing to debate options proposed and perhaps draw closer to reconciling a desire to uphold human rights and an imperative to engage with Indonesia’s military.

etan


Indonesian Civil Society: Open letter to SBY Raising Concern and Offering Solution:: One-Year Human Rights Promotion in Papua 2010

OPEN LETTER

Raising Concern and Offer Solution::

One-Year Human Rights Promotion in Papua 2010

To the attention of

President Republic of Indonesia,

Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono

In Jakarta

Dear Mr. President,

We are writing this letter to you to raise our concern over human rights conditions in Papua. We are confirmed that lacking of protection and recognition of Papuans’ rights have led to abusive and violent practice against Papuans. This pratice has persistently cause death to Papuans and left trauma for them and their family. This practice clearly does not reflect the spirit of this country’s constitution to protect whole citizens.

We have recorded that there have been some big issues this year that attract public attention. The issues such as footage violent action against civilians by military in Tinggi Nambut Papua,[1] violence against civilians in Bolakme,[2] ethnic conflict between Papuan highlanders and Yoka people,[3] shooting civilians in Nafri[4], shooting against prisoners in Tanah Hitam,[5] civilians shot dead in Boroway,[6] arrest and detention of Filep Karma and  Buchtar Tabuni[7] and the rally of returning special autonomy. Other cases relating to social, economy and culture which potentially bring negative impact on Papuans and destroy Papuan values such as MIFEE in Merauke,[8] Dagewo case in Paniai[9],  the transfer of local land in Lereh for palm oil plantation, Freeport case,[10] and many illegal logging cases.

Bsaed on our observation and data collected, the problems mentioned above happen because of the following reasons:

First, government still stigmatisize any Papua groups and individual as separatist as they do resistance against government. Government uses ‘stigmatization of separatist” as powerful  strategy to silence Papuans demand and freedom of expression and weaken the critical thinking from Papuans who often criticise the govermnent policy. This strategy is partially successful as it silences resistant movement but in the other side it gives more energy and spirit for more resistance. Also, this unpopular strategy has planted the seeds of hostility and mistrust among Papuans against Indonesia.

Second, Jakarta still plays dominant role in the issue of any policies and their implementations in Papua. Jakarta, as the central power, is still unable to trust any process of development in Papua although Papua has been given special autonomy to manage themselves. MIFEE case, violence against civilians in Bolakme, Tingginambut-Puncak Jaya and Freeport cases are example on how central government still exercise their absolute authority which potentially destroy basic rights of Papua. Central govermnet just interest in investment without considering the basic rights of Papuans and their values

Third, Papua is still considered as conflict area. Therefore, security approach is dominant. Huge number of troops are deployed  every year to Papua to secure the border area and investor’s assets. Ironically, the security approach has caused fear and revive the past trauma. People in the border feel fear when they go to bush and forest to hunting, gardening as they might be arrested as being suspected as members of Papua freedom movement (OPM)/ National Freedom Army (TPN).

Fourth, The massive deployment of troops which is to secure investors’ assest has caused human right violations and fear. The rights of people are neglected and intimidation is done when the locals demand their rights and speak critically.

Fifth, Economic problems are still strongly perceived as the main problems in Papua. Therefore, huge amount of money and investment is needed to build Papua to improve their economy. RESPEK ( strategic plan for rural development) program is one example where the program emphasize infrastructure development rather than human resources development. Moreover, suspection among the locals is rising over the use and management of special autonomy fund used for RESPEK program. Also, no efective supervision has led to corruption

Sixth, the policy issued by govermnet and its implementation actually repair the impact not solve the basic problems which has been persisting so long. It is crucial that any policy has ‘solving-problems’ elements. If not, the problems will never be solved.

Based on the description above, we urge Mr. President to take immediate action by ordering central government and localgovernment to do the following:

First, hold peaceful dialog as an effective means to solve the problems in Papua. The dialog Jakarta-Papua which has been initiated by Papua Peace Network Team needs to be supported. The dialog should involved all elements: government, customary community, religious leaders, academics and civil groups.

Second, stop all stigmatization against Papuans and place them a citizens who have rights to be protected by the state. Constitutions guarantee freedom of expression and this should also be applied to Papuans. Some articles in state criminal law and government regulation No. 77 year 2007 about treason and subversion need to be amended as it limits the freedom of expression

Third, revise or redesign security approach to be human rights-based approach as it will recognise the rights of Papuans and protect Papuans from violent acts. The deployment of troops need to be adjusted to the need of the local area and real threat as to save state budget of defense

Fourth, police should exercise their professionalism in keeping the order and promote human rights. The professionalism is shown by giving protection so people feel secure and peaceful in doing their activities. This is important to bring back trust from the people.

Fifth, push the policy that promote human rights and provide justice to the victims of human rights abuses. Government has to take immediate action to establish human rights court and reconciliation and truth commission in Papua as mandated by special autonomy law

Sixth, central government needs to revise public-service related policy because the existing policy does not provide and touch the basic rights of Papuans. There are three public service issues that needs to taken into consideration: education, health and economy where these three areas are directed to empowernment, affirmative action and protection

Seventh, Policies issued for Papua need to have recognition of human rights elements. This is so because all existing policies basically emphasize on economic and welfare problems.

Eighth, governor, Papua legislative (DPRP) and Papua People’s Assembly (MRP) should build good coordination and reponsive to the problems of human rights abuses in Papua. Lack of initiatives and good will from these institutions show that they actually do not have commitment to promote human rights in Papua and potentially increase mistrust among Papuans.

We write this open letter with the hope that immediate action to be taken to solve the problems in Papua. Thanks

Jayapura, 05 January 2010

Institutions support this open letter

Papua Based Institution

Foker LSM Papua, ALDP, Elsham Papua, SKP-KPC, KPKC Sinode GKI Papua, LBH Jayapura, JAPH-HAM Wamena

Jakarta Based Institution

Imparsial, Kontras Jakarta, HRWG, PRAXIS

CC :

1.  Menkopulhukan RI

2.  Menkokesra RI

3.  Menteri Dalam Negeri RI

4.  Menteri Luar Negeri RI

5.  Menteri Pertahanan RI

6.  Panglima TNI

7.  Kapolri

8.  Jaksa Agung RI

9. Ketua DPR-RI

10. Anggota DPD Provinsi Papua

11.  Gubernur Provinsi Papua

12. Gubernur Provinsi Papua Barat

13. Ketua DPRP

14. Ketua MRP

15. Kedutaan Asing

16. lembaga Internasional

17. Jaringan kerja Papua


[1] This video was initially released by Hongkong Based Human Rights group, AHRC and made public through youtube. In the video, it shows that military tortures civilians suspected as members of Papua free movement group. But in fact, the victim is a reverend. Government then response to the incident immediately by forming fact-finding team. Ministry of politics, law and human rights finally acknowledges in the press release that it is true that military has done such a barbaric act. The perpetrators of the torture were finally on trial and sentenced respectively 5 months and 7 months. This very minimum sentence indicates a failure of states to provide justice to the victim

[2] An ambush against military in Yugam, Bolakme, Jayawijaya district on 1 december 2010. This incident has caused two civilians die

[3]This incident took place on 17 November 2010, 35 houses burned and 3 got injured. The highlanders damage the houses in Yoka as they are angered by a song composed by a Yoka man which insult the highlanders. It is also suspected that third party plays role in fueling the conflict. Local government has facilitated a dialog and they have agreed to cease their hostility. .

[4] Group of unknown men shoot civilians in Nafri, Abepura on 28 November 2010. One was dead and 4 seriously injured. The perpetrators are not identified yet.

[5]Friday on 3 December 2010 around 12.00, 4 prisoners and one detainee escape from prison. Miron Wetipo, one of the prisoners is shot dead when trying to escape. One of the prisoner is finally caught while the other three escape.

[6] Rahmat Faisal, an employee at mobile phone counter,  found dead by Oktafinaus Yerisitow. The victim was suspected being shot around 13.00 on 13 December 2010

[7] Filep Karma and Buchtar Tabuni were detained as they are suspected as the mastermind of riot in the prison after the death of Wiron Wetipo, a man shot dead while trying to escape from prison. Actually, Filep Karma and Buchtar Tabuni just ask head of law and human rights department about the reason why Wetipo was shot dead

[8]Merauke Integrated Food and Energy Estate (MIFEE) is a joint program between local and national government. This program will place Merauke as global agriculture industry. The program is promising which says that in 2030 Indonesia will have additional reserved food such as rice of 1.95 million ton, corn 2.02 ton, and many other food reservation. Also, Merauke will have income of IDR 124.2 million per capita per year in 2030. The program will bring more people from Java to work in the industry. Sadly, the program has taken people’s land.

[9]Illegal mining in Degowo has happened since 2001 where local do the mining without outside intervention. But since 2003, intervention comes and backed up by military and police. As more outsiders come and do the mining, the locals are moved out and can no longer do traditional mining as they used to do. They are even forced to release their land to investors who are interested in the gold mining. Moreover, prostitutes are brought by investors and military to Degowo to entertain the locals.

[10] Freeport case is the longest and massive exploitation of natural resources in Papua. Although there have been many efforts initiated by Freeport to bring back trust of Papua such as giving Cooperate Social Responsibility (CSR) but the problems and mistrust remain