From 13 to 16 February 2012, the secretariats of the Justice, Peace and Integrity of Creation (JPIC) in Papua (Franciscans JPIC in Papua, JPIC Archdiocese of Merauke, JPIC Agats Diocese, JPIC of Timika Diocese and JPIC of Sorong Diocese) held an annual meeting in Sentani. The outcome of this meeting is summed up in the following reflections on the situation in Papua with some recommendations.
The secretariats of JPICs in Papua confirm that the pro-investment policy of the Government of Indonesia and the torture and cruel treatment by the security forces have undermined law and the dignity of the indigenous Papuans, marginalising and threatening their right to life.
Situation in Papua in 2011
The indigenous Papuans have suffered from different investment policies of the Government in Papua. We found that the development policies on investment have caused the Papuans to lose their customary lands, identity, culture, livelihood, and they threaten the right to life. They have also become the source of horizontal conflict, as shown in the MIEFFE programme in Merauke, the palm oil plantation of PT. Merdeka Plantation Indonesia, PT. Merdeka Tapare Timber, PT Freeport Indonesia in Mimika, PT. Sawita Tandan Papua and PTPN 2 in Kerom.
The indigenous Papuans live in fear. The security forces use violence, torture, cruel and inhuman treatment against the Papuans which they justify with claims that their victims are supporters of the Free Papua Movement (Organisasi Papua Merdeka – OPM), as shown in the case of violence and torture against civilians during the 3rd Papuan Congress, the case of Tingginambut, the armed conflict in Puncak Jaya and Paniai and the conflict during the regional elections.
The indigenous Papuans are confused by the attitude of the Provincial Government which is not critical but rather tends to support the policy of the Central Government, as demonstrated in the case of the adoption of the policy on the Special Unit for the Acceleration of Development for Papua and West Papua (UP4B). This situation has put the future of the indigenous Papuans at risk. They are confronted with the difficulty to fight for their basic rights. The Papuan People’s Assembly (Majelis Rakyat Papua – MRP) and the Provincial Legislative Assembly of Papua (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Papua – DPRP) have been made powerless. MRP and DPRP only execute the orders of the Central Government and do not defend the interest of the Papuans.
The composition of the indigenous and non-indigenous Papuans is not in balance. The population census of the Indonesian Statistical Bureau (BPS) shows that the population of indigenous Papuans in the Provinces of Papua and West Papua is 1.760.557 or 48.73% of the total population, while the non-indigenous population is 1.852.297 or 51.27% of the total population of 3.612.854. It shows that the indigenous Papuans are a minority group in their own land while four decades ago they were the majority (96.09%).
Recommendations:
1. The Government of Indonesia should stop all investment that harms the right to life and the livelihood of the Papuan and conduct an independent evaluation of the companies investing in Papua. The Government of Indonesia should foster community-based development policies.
2. The Indonesian Military and the Indonesian Police should resolve the problems in Papua without using violence and they should bring to justice all perpetrators of the conflict in the area of PT. Freeport Indonesia.
3. In dealing with political demonstrations in Papua, the Government of Indonesia and the Police/Military should respect the right to freedom of expression of the Papuan people.
4. The Papuan People’s Assembly and the Provincial Legislative Assembly of Papua should genuinely represent the aspirations of the Papuans especially in addressing the issues that are causing the Papuans to become a minority in their own land.
These are our reflections and recommendations based on our wish to improve the future of Papua and to respect the human rights of the indigenous Papuans.
Abepura, 16 February 2012
P. Emanuel Tenau, Pr (Director of JPIC Diocese of Sorong) Br. Edy M. Rosaryanto, OFM (Director of Franciscans JPIC Papua). Ms. Veronika Tri Kanem (Program Manager of JPIC Merauke Archdiocese) Fr. Saul Wanimbo, Pr (Director of JPIC Timika Diocese) Fr. Hendrik Hada, Pr (Director of Agats Diocese)
STATEMENT BY FIVE PAPUANS WHO WENT ON TRIAL IN JAYAPURA ON 30 JANUARY 2011[This hand-written statement is signed by the five Papuans who went on trial in Jayapura on 30 January 2012, and is translated in full by
Carmel Budiardjo, TAPOL]
Fully understanding and conscious of our basic human rights as Papuans of the negroid race, part of the Melanesian race who live in the land of the country of West Papua, inheritors from our ancestors, we herewith firmly declare that WE FIRMLY REJECT THE TREASON TRIAL AND OTHER SUCH TRIALS that has been mounted against the five of us, and we speak on behalf our colleagues and the entire nation of the Papuan people of the Nation of West Papua.
We call for an understanding of this declaration, a declaration of independence, in accordance with the principles of PUBLIC INTERNATIONAL LAW, a law which should be lawfully accepted. And in this case, this declaration will bring us substantial happiness if it gains the recognition of the international community.
In order to gain substantial and dignified recognition from the international community, we have requested our international team of lawyers to notify and register our legal status along with the question of the annexation of the TERRITORY OF THE STATE OF WEST PAPUA at the International Court, with the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Amnesty International and all member states of the United Nations, as well as other competent authorities.
We herewith categorically state that we are not prepared to make any statements or answer any questions that are based on the laws and accusations of treason by the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia, during the current trial for treason. It is very clear indeed that this is a matter between two nations and two states, that is to say, between the Papuan nation and the Indonesian nation, between the Federal State of West Papua and the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia.
The following are the reasons for our rejection of the trial for treason or any such trial:
[NB: The copy of the statement which we have received jumps at this point from page 2 to page 4 which suggests that the copy we have is incomplete.]
1. Our struggle and the struggle of those who have gone before us and the nation of West Papua and all members of the Papuan people up to the present day is a struggle for the restoration of independence and sovereignty of the Papuan Nation as one of our most basic political rights.
2. Bearing in mind that the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia annexed and continues to annex, the people and nation of the Papuan people since the TRIKORA command which was proclaimed by the former president of Indonesia, President Sukarno on 19 December 1961 in the city of Jogyakarta and which was followed up by the Indonesian military, from 1962 to the present day, by a variety of measures aimed at preserving the annexation.
3. Our struggle is not aimed as damaging or destroying any country in the world.
4. We do not intend to damage or destroy the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia.
5. We feel that our dignity has been defiled, that our basic political rights have been violated in our country, West Papua, which we inherited from our ancestors.
6. No one, for whatever reason, has the right to make accusations against us or to convict us in a treason trial or any such trial. This is because we have become the subjects of our own laws as citizens of the nation and state of the Federal Republic of West Papua.
7. Based on the values of basic human rights, of democracy and the following universal laws:
a. The first article in the Preamble to the1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia.
b. Article15 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of the United Nations adopted on 10 December, 1948.
c. Article 1, para 1 of the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights adopted as UN Resolution 2200 (xxi) which has been in force since 23 March 1976,.
d. The Declaration on Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples in UN Resolution 1514 (xv) on 14 December 1960.
e. The basic principles of decolonisation , namely possidetis juris and the legal succession of the state to the colonial territories of the Dutch East Indies (Dutch Papua) since 19 October 1961.
f. ILO Convention No. 169, 1989 on the Rights of Indigenous and Tribal People.
g. The UN Declaration on the basic rights of indigenous peoples of 13 September 2007.
h. The Papuan Independence Manifesto of 19 October 1961 adopted by the Papuan National Committee.
i. Stipulations adopted by the Grand Congress (MUBES) of the Papuan people in 2000.
j. The Eleven Recommendations of the Second Papuan Peoples’ Congress and Indigenous Papuan People in 2010.
k. The decisions of the Second Papuan Peoples Congress in 2000.
l. The decisions of the Third Papuan Peoples Congress of 2011.
8. The Statement by the Indigenous Papuan People and the Papuan people is a truth based on analytical and practical categories. The analytical category means that the indigenous P apuan people are the Papuan nation, a negroid race of the Melanesian race, located in the South Pacific. Whereas the practical category is a political statement which was enunciated in the Manifesto of Papuan Independence of the Papuan National Committee on 19 October 1961 in Hollandia, the State of West Papua.
9. We democratically restored the independence and sovereignty of the Papuan people on 19 October 2011, at the Third Papuan Peoples Congress with the establishment of the Federal Republic of West Papua which was announced by the DECLARATION OF THE PAPUAN NATION IN THE STATE OF WEST PAPUA.
10. The government of the Republic of Indonesia and the governments of all other members of the United Nations, should without discrimination recognise and respect the democratic processes of the Papuan people at the Third Papuan Peoples Congress on 19 October 2011 in the form of the Declaration of the West Papuan Nation and State.
11. The application of the treason law against the Papuan people must be categorised as a violation of the basic and legal political rights of the Papuan nation.
We hereby call on to the Honourable Judges in this forum to annul the trial held in order to accuse us of TREASON and make similar charges against us. The solution to the independence of the Papuan nation which is our most basic political right must be sought by means of international mechanisms between the Federal Republic of West Papua and the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia, mediated by the United Nations.
In order to regulate the transfer of sovereign powers from the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia to the Federal Republic of West Papua, we intend to initiate a new phase of cooperation based on the principles of democracy, justice, peace, mutual respect and dignity. As is customary between independent and sovereign nations and states on Planet Earth.
Herewith our statement of REJECTION OF THE TRIAL BEING HELD TO ACCUSE US OF TREASON AND SIMILAR CHARGES.
Jayapura, 30 January 2012
Signed:
1. Forkorus Yaboisembut, President of the Federal State of West Papua.
2. Edison G. Waromi, SH, Prime Minister of the Federal State of West Papua.
3. Agust M. Sananai Kraar, SIP,human rights activist/staff
4. Selpius Bobii, activist/staff
5. Dominikus Subarat, activist/staff
by Nick Chesterfield at Westpapuamedia.info with sources
West Papua’s civil resistance movement is believed to be organising major demonstrations to support West Papuan leaders facing treason charges in Indonesia’s courts on Monday, January 30.
Indonesian prosecutors will begin proceedings in Jayapura in the treason trials for the leaders of the Third Papuan People’s Congress (KP3), which decalred independence from Jakarta on October 19 last year, after which Indonessian security forces stormed the venue. The President of the Federated Republic of West Papua Forkorus Yaboisembut, Prime Minister Edison Waromi, together with Congress organisers Selpius Bobii, Dominikus Sorabut, Agus Sananay and Gat Wenda all face a battery of charges stemming from their involvement in the Third Papuan Peoples Congress, held for only the third time since 1961.
Papuan leaders are standing infront; Forkorus Yaboisembut S.Pd, Edsison Waromi SH .behind Dominikus Surabut, Gad Wenda, Agus Senandy Kraar and Selpius Bobii (Photos: West Papua Media)
Five of the six are charged with treason under Article 106 of KUHP (the Indonesian Criminal Code), and have also been charged under Article 53 for incitement to acts of treason, and Article 55 which states that even attempting to committ an act (in this case treason), even if unproven is the same as committing the act. Gat Wenda is charged with carrying a concealed weapon. The use of these charges date back to the Dutch colonial times and were used extensively by the Suharto New Order regime to suppress nonviolent dissent.
Their trial will take place at Pengadilan Negeri Klas 1A (State Court 1A), according to a letter dated 17 January (reference 17/PEN.PID/2012/PN). The trial is due to start at 10:00am. The Hon. Jack Johanes Octovianus SH. MH. will be the presiding judge.
Indonesian police and soldiers stormed the Congress venue on October 19 after the independence declaration at the close of the Congress, killing at least 7 people, injuring hundreds and arresting as many as 800 participants. All but the six current detainees were eventually released, but ongoing crackdowns against Papuan nonviolent activists by security forces across Papua intensified in the weeks after the Congress, with several cases of arbitrary arrest and killings.
Papuan human rights activists have alleged, as Video footage of the attack clearly shows, Australian trained Detachment 88 anti-terror troops involved in the attack on unarmed congress participants. Six people were killed and over 300 were arrested.
NKRI attack KP3- arrests – WARNING BRUTAL SCENES
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All detainees were severely beaten by Indonesian police extensively in the weeks following the crackdown, with Yaboisembut sustaining multiple fractures including broken ribs and sternum, and was so badly tortured that he could not stand.
The Institute for Human Rights Study and Advocacy (Elsham) together with the Communion of Churches in Papua (PGGP) reported in said that at least 51 people had been tortured by members of the military and police during and after the Congress. Congress participants testified that they had been “beaten and kicked repeatedly by security forces both at the congress site and while being transported to police headquarters. Some participants said they were beaten at the police station.”
In mid December, when the Indonesian police finally charged the detainees with treason, their legal team rejected this unequivocally. As reported by Bintang Papua, well prior to the Congress the committee sent a letter of notification to the police requesting permission for the congress to be held, and had also sent a letter to the Minister for Legal, Political and Security Affairs Djoko Suyanto, requesting him to be the keynote speaker at the congress. Suyanto agreed and instructed the director-general of the ministry to open the congress, though he never attended.
‘How can this be said to be treason when there have been letters received from the police and the minister?,’ said the lawyers who stressed that all their clients had done was to express their opinions, rights guaranteed under Indonesian Law the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.
An SMS sent to West Papua Media from the KP3 committee has called for the people of Papua to guard the results of the Third Papuan Congress and to hold the Indonesian state to upholding the due process of law.
There is a high likelihood that the six will not receive a fair trial, according to human rights monitors and the lawyers for the six.
The Papuan detainees have requested international observers, including an Australian Government representative be present at the trial and their lawyers have advised that it is possible. The six are all peaceful protesters who were exercising their right to free speech, according to legal observers.
Demonstrations of prayers, live music and vigils are planned to be held outside the courthouse during the trials, according to West Papua Media stringers on the ground in Jayapura. The KP3 COmmittee have called for people to “maintain an escort for the trial that is peaceful and dignified” and to remain united in the face of security force provocations.
West Papua Media stringers also report that Indonesian security forces have mobilised sigificantly to prevent any “disruption” of the treason trials, expected to be a flashpoint for further crackdown by security forces on peaceful dissent. Significant deployment of military hardware is expected on Monday which may provoke an already tense atmosphere.
West Papua Media will naturally report on any developments as they happen.
In the days before the special autonomy law for Papua (OTSUS), identity politics in Papua was focussed primarily on culture. It was his awareness of the richness of Papuan culture that encouraged Arnold Ap to set up his Mambesak group in the 1970s. [Not to mention the fact that he paid with his life for his activities.]
Brother Budi Hernawan, a human rights activist, said that the identity politics movement had made some progress and was in the process of further development. ‘In fact,’ he said, ‘there are certain impacts of the inconsistency of the central government’s attitude towards the identity politics movement among the Papuans.’
He said that Papuan identity politics emerged alongside the Indonesian identity politics movement in the 1940s. But the way of defining Papuans referred to their tendency to being slender in build, dark skinned and with fuzzy curly hair as part of the Melanesian race; this led to the stagnation of this process. At the core of the issue is the interaction between cultural and social issues, according to Brother Budi.
Cressida Hayes writes, in the 2007 Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy, that identity politics has a far broader definition and the theory has a far broader definition with regard to injustices that are encountered by people in certain social groups.
Rather than their being organised on the basis of ideology or party affiliation, identity politics is related to the group’s identity and of its not being marginalised as a group as well as the question of belonging to the group in a much broader sense.
Demographically speaking, Papuans are no longer dominant in the land of Papua. This has been reinforced by the role of capital and limitations within the political sphere. While procedures are set in place to ensure that the head of region is an indigenous Papuan, no affirmative action has been taken by any legislative body to protect the interests of the indigenous Papuan people.
Apart from this, he said, Jakarta always bases its policies on economics and politics.The result is that there has been no comprehensive or ‘calm’ definition. ‘The word “calm” is used here in the sense that the Dewan Adat Papua should be able to draft a definition of Papua-ness without being accused of being separatist or accused of subversion.’
Back in the days of President Abdurrachman Wahid, the space being given to identity politics was broadening. Gus Dur, as he was affectionately known, granted permission for the Morning Star flag to be flown, which is regarded by Papuans as a cultural symbol, while at the same time stipulating that it should be held ten centimetres lower that the Red-and-White flag. But this has never been backed up by any government regulation.
The Indonesian government’s inconsistencies in implementing a whole number of policies since West Papua was integrated as part of Indonesia have had a significant impact on the political movement of identity. Jakarta has even continued to violated the basic rights of the indigenous Papuan people
These comments were made by the Rev. Phil Erari, deputy chairman of the Alliance of Churches in Indonesia (GKI).
‘The special autonomy law , known as OTSUS, is just one example of the inconsistency in its policy towards Papua,’ he said.
In Erari’s opinion, the Papuan people have virtually no confidence the authority of the Indonesian government. Papuans regard Jakarta as being incapable of introducing a number of reforms on security, health and education or mapping the infrastructure of Papua. Added to all this is the incompetence of the bureaucracy which ‘stinks of corruption’.
The politics of identity which emerged in the second half of the twentieth century was intended to enable the organisation of the masses so as to ensure that the mass of people can identify themselves as part of the group to which they belong. The group is generally speaking based on the same identity of those within the group.
‘The political movement of identity in Papua is an integral part of the people’s affirmative position which must be respected. For many years, Jakarta has failed to include this as part of the curriculum; this is an example of the violation of the right of the Papuan people to get a decent education,’ said Erari.
Meanwhile, Kahar Nobara of Garda-P, the Papuan Democratic People’s Movement, told JUBI that Jakarta has hardly changed at all with regard to solving the Papuan problem.
‘Jakarta has taken no initiatives and its policy in most cases amounts to nothing more that responding to incidents, nothing more than patchwork, without dealing with the root of the problem and without any radical action for change. This is not democratic, and it displays no sensitivity whatsoever,’ said Nobara.
He went on to say, in connection with the political movement of identity, that the nationalism of the Papuan people is an integral part of their constant sufferings. Ths result of all this is that their desire for independence and sovereignty will continue to grow.
‘Jakarta’s inconsistencies provide the ammunition for the struggle of the Papuan people,’ he said.
After a period of Dutch control, possession of West Papua was handed to Indonesia in a deal brokered by the US. This deal, known as the New York Agreement of 1962, promised West Papuan self-determination which led to the 1969 Act of Free Choice. This act, later branded as the “Act of No Choice”, was stripped of any legitimacy as a little more than 1000 hand-picked West Papuans representing a population of close to one million voted unanimously under military threats and coercion to retain Indonesian sovereignty. Reported incidents of human rights abuses inflicted on the West Papuan people at the mercy of the Indonesian military includes widespread violence, killings, torture, disappearance, rape, sexual violence, transmigration schemes, forced relocation, and the spread of infectious diseases such as HIV which has seriously harmed the existence of the West Papuan people. This article is a newspaper analysis of the Jakarta Globe, The New Zealand Herald, and The Sydney Morning Herald media coverage. Nigel Moffiet reports.
ANALYSIS: It can be argued that Indonesian abuses in West Papua are crimes consistent with the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide as a consequence of exploitation, transmigration, West Papuan displacement, targeted military brutality at West Papuan communities, and the systematic spread of infectious diseases. Given genocide is not a term to use lightly extreme caution must be made in using the label so as to avoid “the risk of setting up taxonomies of genocide, or opening crucial space in debates for re-engaging precisely the kinds of discourses that enable and naturalise it in the first place” (Banivanua-Mar, 2008, p. 586). Yet, the debate is taken seriously with the interests of ‘prevention and restitution rather than simply definition in order to “more effectively work backwards to a deeper and more practical understanding of how genocide happens” (Banivanua-Mar, 2008, p. 596-597). In this context, I also carry out media analysis and reportage of West Papuan human rights abuses and the question of genocide by The Jakarta Post, The New Zealand Herald, and The Sydney Morning Herald.
Analysing human rights abuses within West Papua involved searching for the words “West Papua” and “genocide” within the archives of the three newspapers’ respective search engines. Surprisingly, the Jakarta Post had the most content fitting this description with 25 articles, followed by the Sydney Morning Herald with five articles and The New Zealand Herald with six.
Exploitation of West Papuan land and resources
The province of West Papua is rich in natural resources and since Indonesian rule government and military officials have been involved in the extraction this wealth through mining and forestry. The consequences of this exploitation has been dire for the Papuan people and has led to human rights abuses as observed by West Papuan campaigner John Rumbiak who stated that “all abuses in West Papua were caused by military and police presence aimed at protecting mining firms, forest concessions and timber estates exploiting natural resources”(Wing & King, 2005, p. 2).
Part of the systematic abuse towards the Melanesian people of West Papua included denying them the right to work or gain any wealth from their own natural resources in favour of generating work and wealth for the Indonesian Javanese population. On a 1980 visit to West Papua, a US professor noted a “planned influx of Indonesian workers, including more than 2000 families that were scheduled to be ‘dropped’ near two major oilfields in order to implement a ‘policy of non-employment of Melanesians in the oil industry’” (Brundige et al, 2004, p. 26). This is also evident in the US-ownedFreeport copper mine which in 1982 employed 452 expatriates, 1859 Indonesians, and only 200 Papuans who were employed as unskilled laborers” (Brundige et al, 2004, p. 26).
Intensifying the problem is the relocation of villages due the seizure of land. In June 1980, the Amungme tribe from the Tembagapura region were relocated to a coastal area that had widespread malaria creating an epidemic that killed 216 children. Freeport failed to provide food or medicine during the epidemic and the Indonesian government failed to assist despite the official acknowledgement of the epidemic” (Brundige et al, 2004, p. 26-27).
The exploitation of West Papua’s timber resources and exploitation of West Papuan labour is another problem with evidence of serious breaches of human rights. One of the documents of abuse includes the relocation of the Asmat tribe from the southern coast of West Papua by Jakarta-based timbre companies. The Asmat people were forced into compulsory labour which included the deforestation of their own land at below-subsistence wages with threats of arrest for those who refused to work. This relocation and enforced labour within the timber industry had such an impact that an Indonesian environmental group warned that the Asmat people were “on the brink of cultural starvation after a decade of enforced ironwood logging” (Brundige et al, 2004, p. 28).
A major 2005 report by Indonesian based environmental organisation Tilapia and the UK and US-based Environmental Investigation Agency found that the Indonesian military and government officials are involved in the illegal smuggling of up to 300,000 cubic meters of timber a month from Papua to China. This illegal smuggling is valued at more than US $1 billion (Wing & King, 2005, p. 4).
Transmigration and West Papuan displacement
As well as forcing many West Papuan tribes and communities from their land in order to exploit natural resources, Indonesia has also carried out systematic transmigration policy that has been designed to strip the West Papuan people of their identity making them minorities on their own land. By the end of 1984, the Indonesian government had set up 24 transmigration sites across 700,000 hectares of reappropriated West Papuan land. This resulted in 27,726 Indonesian families relocating on West Papuan land; close to 140,000 people over 10 years. Further more, the Indonesian government required that “Papuans be dispersed, with one Papuan family to every nine Javanese families, thus ensuring that the Papuans would become a minority in each area” (Brundige et al, 2004, p. 33).
This has resulted in the marginalisation of West Papuans within the cities as second class citizens to the extent that “propaganda posters sponsored by the ‘Project for the Guidance of Alien Societies’” urged the Papuans to relinquish their inefficient and primitive ways for the superior lifestyle of the Indonesians (Brundige et al, 2004, p. 34). As well as marginalisation within their own communities, transmigration has “led to the loss of traditional lands and forests where once local tribes used to hunt and gather food. There is no transfer of knowledge and technology to substitute for lost basic rights’ (Wing & King, 2005, p. 4).
Increased presence of Indonesian military
In a 2005, in a University of Sydney report for the West Papua Project, it was concluded that “the Indonesian armed forces (TNI) in Papua are the main source of suffering and instability in the province” (Wing & King, 2005, p. 2). Human rights abuses carried out by the Indonesian armed forces is only escalating as troop build up in the West Papuan region continues with incidents of rape, torture and extrajudicial killings. In 1981, the Indonesian military launched Operation Clean Sweep which resulted in rapes, assaults, killings, and looting of villages if anybody was suspected to be part of the Papuan independence movement Organisasi Papua Merdeka (OPM) (Brundige et al, 2004, p. 29). The operation aimed to “intimidate those suspected of supporting the OPM and to cleanse the boarder regions of Papua to make room for Javanese migrants”. Survivors of the operation reported that “whole families had been bayoneted to death and their bodies left to rot”. The Indonesian military also had the slogan: “Let the rats run into the jungle so that the chickens can breed in the coop.” By the summer of 1981 the operation escalated into the Central Highlands of West Papua were the Indonesian armed forces responded to suspected OPM activity by bombing the village of Madi in the Paniai basin. The attack included the use of napalm and chemical weapons against the villagers and killed at least 2500 people with estimates that the death toll could have even reached 13,000 (Brundige et al, 2004, p. 29).
Since then, Indonesian troop buildups have continued and between 2005 and 2009 up to 15,000 extra troops were deployed throughout the West Papuan region (Wing & King, 2005, p. 13). The result of this military buildup is that there is an increased level of human rights abuses and violent clashes between resistant West Papuans and the Indonesian military. This is catastrophic for local communities as the incidents are “used to justify the deployment of new troop reinforcements, which in turn lead to greater human rights abuses, reaction from aggrieved Papuans, then further militarisation. A dangerous and destructive spiral is thus perpetuated” (Wing & King, 2005, p. 7).
The spread of serious disease and HIV/AIDS
The disruption and upheaval to traditional West Papuan existence brought about through Indonesian colonisation and exploitation of the regions natural resources has also led to the spreading of serious disease. A Dutch missionary working in West Papua during the 1980s said infant mortality rates in the region were above 60 percent, and the average life expectancy no more than 31 years (Brundidge et al, 2004, p. 34). Of grave concern is the spread of HIV infection which is rising dramatically in the region to the extent that 40 per cent of Indonesia’s HIV and AIDS cases were located in Papua despite accounting for less than one per cent of Indonesia’s population. Another figure from 2002 shows that just over 20 people per 100,000 were infected with HIV in Papua, compared to only 0.42 people per 100,000 in the rest of Indonesia (Brundige et al, 2004, p. 34). Much has been suggested of Indonesia’s responsibility for the spread of such disease throughout the Melanesian population to the extent human rights groups say the spread of HIV is the result of systematic attempts to destroy the Melanesian population of West Papua. Interviews conducted with workers in Jayapura and Merauke who deal with prostitution and the spread of HIV suggest clear evidence “that there is security force involvement in prostitution at different levels” (Wing & King, 2005, p. 8). Leo Mahuye, a health worker in Merauke says HIV is spread by prostitutes who are brought in by the military to the extent that there is “an indication it is systematic killing…[a]s long as they are importing these women, as long as the military and the police back these activities here, they are committing killings” (Butt, 2005, p. 413).
The Jakarta Post
Searching for the words “West Papua” and “genocide” on The Jakarta Post’s online search engine returned 21 relevant articles between 2001 and 2011 relating to genocide and human rights abuses in the region. The articles were a mix of 14 opinion pieces and six news reports, as well as one question and answer article with West Papuan human rights campaigner John Rumbiak.
Of these 21 articles, one opinion piece and one news report both addressed the issue of genocide in the headlines. The first article published on 8 January 2001 titled “Is Indonesia becoming a genocidal society?” and despite its title it does more to contextualise the nature of genocide throughout history rather than draw any strong conclusions on West Papua. The article references the nature of genocide in Germany, Yugoslavia, Rwanda, and Burundi and makes the statement that the “cycle of genocidal society, which is already apparent in Maluku and other regions, must be broken by effective law enforcement measures”. The article makes this statement without any reference to West Papua or without further contextual evidence to back the statement up.
An article published on 19 August 2005 titled “RI condemns report by Aussie researchers on genocide in Papua” does more to address human rights abuses and genocide in West Papua in light of the University of Sydney’s Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies report Genocide in West Papua? The article provides diverging view points with Indonesia’s foreign ministry spokesman, Marty Natalagawa, calling the report “baseless” and Indonesia’s deputy military spokesman, Bibit Santoso, labeling the report “incorrect and untrue”. Yet the article uses more space quoting from the report and the centre’s director Stuart Rees, who says even though he is cautious using the word “genocide” this “significant document details the destruction of a people, their land and prospects”. The article also quotes one of Papua’s leading church figures, Rev. Socratez Yoman, who talks of the Indonesian military intimidation and says wherever there are Indonesian soldiers, “the militia and jihadists are there too. They are inseparable.”
There were five remaining news articles which addressed human rights abuses in West Papua and the issue of genocide through the sources that had been quoted. An article published on 8 April 2006 titled “Netherlands ‘respects’ RI territorial integrity” does little to address the issue of human rights abuse in West Papua rather it focuses mostly on the Dutch Prime Minister Jan Peter Balkenende’s recognition of Indonesia’s territorial integrity including Papua’s integration into Indonesia. It also focuses on Indonesian criticism of Australia’s decision to grant temporary visas to 42 Papuan asylum seekers. In this criticism the article mentions the Papuan activists have accused Jakarta of genocide.
A news article published on 20 May 2006 titled “RI asks Australia to recognise territorial integrity in treaty” focuses on Indonesia’s effort to ‘get assurances that no neighboring country will support the succession of Papua from Indonesia’ and asking for Australia to “express its commitment to Indonesia’s territorial integrity in a written agreement”. Once again the article does little to address issues of human rights in the region by failing to quote West Papuan sources. It only puts some context to the story by saying that the “Papuans, including pro-independence activists and their families, have accused Jakarta of ‘genocide’ in Papua”.
The remaining articles focused more heavily on human rights abuses and the question of genocide. A news article published on 9 June 2007 titled “Papuans greet UN envoy with rallies, demands” focused on the visit of UN Secretary General on Human Rights Defenders Hina Jilani’s visit to the region. The article draws many sources and quotes around human rights abuses and the issue of genocide quoting West Papuan’s who had pleaded with Jilani and the UN to “stop the genocide of the Papuans” and “stop the killing in west Papua”. An article published on 27 January 2011 titled “RI, int’l public push for civilian court for torture” focuses on the torture of two West Papuan and calls for the Indonesian soldiers who committed the torture to be tried in a civilian court rather than an Indonesian military tribunal. Lastly an article published on 18 October 2011 titled “ 5000 attend 3rd Papuan people’s congress” focuses on the congress looking at the issue of human rights abuses in the region. It quotes organizing chairman Selpius Bobii who says “we greatly need support and solidarity from every party that upholds the values of democracy, basic human rights, honesty and justice for the sake of protecting the people of Papua from genocide”.
The remaining opinion pieces provided various forms of context to the human rights abuses in West Papua written mostly by outside observers. The most critical opinion piece was written by Roman Catholic Priest Neles Tebay on 28 September 2006 titled “More questions for the ICG on Papua issue”. The article strongly criticises the findings of the International Crisis Group who denied allegation of genocide in West Papua and downplayed any human rights abuses in the region. Tebay asks “what was or were the true intent(s) of the military operations conducted against the Papuans then, if not to wipe out the people in whole or in part?”
Finally, a question and answers article with West Papuan human rights campaigner John Rumbiak on 24 March 2000 titled “No letup in security approach spells trouble in Irian Jaya” does a lot to provide context and a West Papuan view point to the situation in the region. It adds context to the abuses with reference to the 1969 Act of Free Choice and the political circumstances surrounding the act and Rumbiak articulates West Papuan grievances on a number of levels.
The New Zealand Herald
Searching for “West Papua” and “genocide” on TheNew Zealand Herald’s online search engine drew only five relevant articles dating from 1999 (two articles have not been dated). Of these five articles, two are opinion pieces by Auckland Indonesian Human Rights Committee spokeswomen Maire Leadbeater, one is an opinion piece by former President of East Timor Jose Ramos-Horta, one news piece that briefly mentions Yosepha Alomang’s award for her “resistance against the destruction of rainforest, rivers and local culture caused by decades of gold mining in West Papua”, and another article that questions the right of four Indonesian military officers to study at Massey University in light of Indonesian military brutality.
Maire Leadbeater’s article (undated) titled “On the brink of genocide” is critical of the Pacific Islands Forum leaders’ failure to address the issue of West Papua. In the article she contextualises West Papua by drawing parallels to East Timor and by mentioning the 1969 Act of Free Choice and the consequences of the act. She draws on human rights estimates that 100,000 Papuans have been killed as a result of Indonesian military brutality and she references The University of Sydney’s Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies report to make her claim that the situation in West Papua is approaching genocide.
Leadbeater’s second article (undated) “West Papuans Face Masters of Terror” cited the Yale report to draw attention towards crimes against humanity including “torture, disappearance, rape, extra-judicial killings and destruction of resources” and that the report “strongly indicated a breach of the United Nations genocide convention”.
Jose Ramos-Horta’s opinion piece on 13 September 1999 titled “A terrible price to pay for freedom” again draws a parallel between West Papua and East Timor and raises the question of crimes against humanity, including genocide.
The Sydney Morning Herald
Searching for “West Papua” and “genocide” on The Sydney Morning Herald online search engine retrieved five relevant articles including two opinion pieces and three news articles between 2007 and 2011.
An opinion piece by Jennifer Robinson on 12 September 2011 titled “Leaks reveal it’s past time to speak for West Papua” draws attention to human rights abuses in the region and the level of surveillance and lack of transparency for journalists and human rights watch groups. On a visit to West Papua for a human rights group she mentions she was warned by an Australian diplomat that her “human rights work risked ‘becoming a political football’’ for [the Australian] government and that [she] was to ‘’keep [her] head down’”.
An opinion piece by Greg Poulgrain on 31 December 2009 titled “Oil and politics prove fatal mix for the people of West Papua” draws on West Papua’s colonial context since the Dutch and states that “[m]ilitary dominance in West Papua began in the 1960s and documents released under freedom-of-information from the US embassy in Jakarta in 1968 refer to the possibility of genocide occurring even then”.
On 18 June 2010 a news article titled “Papuans rally for independence” covers West Papuan protest to “reject the region’s special autonomy within Indonesia and demand a referendum on self-determination”. On 21 November 2009 a news article titled “Death in Papua: political intrigue clouds miner’s murder” refers to the killing of an Australian mine worker in West Papua as the result of an Indonesian military assault. And on 27 March 2007 an article titled “Report warns against Lombok Treaty” refers to a security treaty with Indonesia that potentially restricts Australia’s ability to speak out about human rights abuses. The article goes on to reference the University of Sydney’s Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies report on genocide in the region and quotes that “Australia will be providing training, funding and material aid to Indonesian forces who are engaged in what many Papuans believe is genocide against their people”.
Conclusion
Through widespread violence, killings, torture, disappearance, rape, exploitation of land, transmigration, and the systematic spread of infectious diseases, the West Papuan people are suffering human rights abuses at the hands of the Indonesian military to the extent that the nature of the abuses are consistent with the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. In terms of facing the nature of these human rights abuses and raising the question of genocide directly, the Jakarta Post was more consistent than either The Sydney Morning Heraldor The New Zealand Herald in raising these issues within its content. The New Zealand Herald and The Sydney Morning Herald both had very limited content raising the question of genocide within West Papua. However, The Sydney Morning Herald had a more diverse and relevant spread of content in relation to human rights abuses and the question of genocide within West Papua whereas if it was not for the opinion pieces of Auckland Indonesian Human Rights Committee spokeswomen Maire Leadbeater, The New Zealand Herald would have had next to no content at all on this issue.
Nigel Moffiet researched and wrote this report as an Asia-Pacific Journalism postgraduate assignment at AUT University.
References Books and journal articles:
Banivanua-Mar, T. (2008). ‘A thousand miles of cannibal lands’: imagining away genocide in the re-colonization of West Papua. Journal of Genocide Research, 10(4), December, 583-602.
Brundige, E.; King, W.; Vahali, P.; Vladeck, S.; Yuan, X. (2004). Indonesian human rights abuses in West Papua: Application of the law of genocide to the history of Indonesian control. Allard K. Lowenstein International Human Rights Clinic, Yale Law School.
Butt, L. (2005). ‘Lipstick girls’ and ‘Fallen women’: AIDS and conspirational thinking in Papua, Indonesia. Cultural Anthropology, 20(3), pp. 412-442.
Kirsch, S. (2010). Ethnographic representations and the Politics of Violence in West Papua. Critique of Anthropology, 30(1), pp. 3-22.
Sautman, B. (2006). Cultural genocide and Asian state peripheries. New York : Palgrave Macmillan
Wing, J. & King, P. (2005). Genocide in West Papua? The role of the Indonesian state apparatus and a current needs assessment of the Papuan people. West Papua Project at the Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies, University of Sydney.
News articles:
The Jakarta Post (2000). No letup in security approach spells trouble in Irian Jaya
The Jakarta Post (2000). West Papua: Will it become the next East Timor for Indonesia?
The Jakarta Post (2001). Is Indonesia becoming a genocidal society?
The Jakarta Post (2002). Soeharto and the grand scheme of things
The Jakarta Post (2005). RI condemns report by Aussie researchers on genocide in Papua
The Jakarta Post (2005). Founding West Irian Jaya province
The Jakarta Post (2006). Netherlands ‘respects’ RI territorial integrity
The Jakarta Post (2006). How to protect Papuans — and RI-Australia ties
The Jakarta Post (2006). RI asks Australia to recognise territorial integrity in treaty
The Jakarta Post (2006). More questions for the ICG on Papua issue
The Jakarta Post (2007). Papuans greet UN envoy with rallies, demands
The Jakarta Post (2007). Indigenous languages in danger of disappearing
The Jakarta Post (2008). The possibility of indicting Soeharto after his death
The Jakarta Post (2008). On Timor Leste’s present situation
The Jakarta Post (2008). New strategy behind separatism in Papua
The Jakarta Post (2009). He ain’t heavy, he’s a brother from Papua
The Jakarta Post (2009). Munir and the protection of rights defenders
The Jakarta Post (2009). Issues: `Who is responsible for poverty in Papua?’
The Jakarta Post (2010). Text your say: Gus Dur or Soeharto?
The Jakarta Post (2011). RI, int’l public push for civilian court for torture
The Jakarta Post (2011). 5000 attend 3rd Papuan people’s congress
NZ Herald (n.d.). Maire Leadbeater: On the brink of genocide
NZ Herald (n.d.). Maire Leadbeater: West Papuans face masters of terror
NZ Herald (1999). A terrible price to pay for freedom
NZ Herald (2000). Soldier students to finish studies
NZ Herald (2001) Journalists share top environment award
The Sydney Morning Herald (2007). Report warns against Lombok Treaty
The Sydney Morning Herald (2009). Death in Papua: political intrigue clouds miner’s murder
The Sydney Morning Herald (2009). Oil and politics prove fatal mix for the people of West Papua
The Sydney Morning Herald (2010). Papuans rally for independence
The Sydney Morning Herald (2011). Leaks reveal it’s past time to speak for West Papua
When Julia Gillard meet Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhuyono in Bali on the weekend West Papua barely got a mention. Although the text messages inside West Papua went into overdrive with the rumour that the reason Australia and the United States were stationing 2,500 U.S Marines in Darwin was to prepare for military intervention in West Papua.
I told my friends in West Papua it wasn’t true.
But then I got thinking. Actually Australia is doing a lot to help Indonesia loosen their grip on the troubled territory. Not by design of course. But the effect is much the same as if the Government suddenly adopted a radical pro-independence policy.
Confused? Let me explain.
Last month the Indonesian police and military fired live rounds into an unarmed crowd of civilians in West Papua, killing five. The Army and Police then tried to make out that it wasn’t them, that what had taken place was a coup by the Papuan Liberation Army; that it was the Papuans who were doing the shooting. Yudhuyono tried to sell Obama and Gillard a version of that story in Bali on the weekend. That might have washed twenty years ago but in this age of social media and smart phones it is much more difficult to hide the evidence.
Since the killing of five Papuans on October 19, the wounding of scores more and the arrest of six Papuan leaders, international media coverage of West Papua has spiked and Indonesia’s international standing has taken a beating. The Army, Police and President’s denials and attempts at cover-up have not helped the government’s reputation.
The killings have also generated outrage and division within Indonesia. And October 19 was not an isolated incident. A series of shocking acts of torture of Papuans by the Indonesian military have been captured on video and recently released. And when I speak of outrage I am not talking about protests from human rights groups. National legislators from a range of Indonesian political parties have begun to publicly criticise the Indonesian military, police and even the President over the government’s policy, or lack of it, in West Papua. Even the cautious Indonesian Bishop’s Conference urged Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhuyono to hold a third party mediated dialogue without delay.
Indonesian critics recognise that the political crisis in West Papua is spiralling out of control and that the central government and the security forces are making things worse. Indonesian journalist Bramantyo Prijosusilo writing in the Jakarta Globe went as far as saying that the “powerful forces bent on forcing Papuans to separate from Indonesia are none other than the central government, especially its military and police force.”
He has a point. West Papua teeters on the brink of open rebellion. After the shooting on October 19 one student previously uninvolved with politics told me “if the police and military thought they could shoot us dead like animals and we would somehow stop pressing for freedom, they are wrong. We don’t care about the military; we don’t care about the police. We are not afraid anymore.” Days later he was on the streets along with 3,000 other Papuans calling for a referendum.
This is not just about political insurrection. The economy is on the brink as well.
Consider the massive Freeport/Rio Tinto gold and copper mine. Eight thousand mine workers there have been on strike since July. Freeport’s pipeline has been cut in more than 20 places, the company has been unable to deliver on its contracts, the local government in Mimika which depends on revenue from the mine to supply services is cash strapped, and Freeport itself is losing billions.
That could mean Australian jobs are affected. Over 800 Australian companies supply the mine through Cairns and Darwin. The Australian owned company International Purveying Incorporated sends everything from Toyota’s, heavy mining equipment, and frozen beef dinners to Freeport every few days.
How long shareholders and investors will put up with heavy loses and adverse economic risk is any ones guess. But it won’t be forever. And it is not just Freeport / Rio Tinto that is in the firing line. BP, Clive Palmer’s nickel businesses in Raja Ampat, and logging interests are all the target of a torrent of anger from landowners. CEOs like Palmer and Freeport’s Bob Moffet may not ask the Indonesian government to negotiate with Papuans demanding political freedoms but sooner or later shareholders and investors will demand just that.
So how is the Australian government responding to these shifting power dynamics? Well that is the problem. They are not. The government’s position is the same as it has always been: continued support for the Indonesian military / police unhinged from any tangible improvements in human rights such as guarantees of free speech, release of political prisoners or moves towards supporting political dialogue.
No matter what side of the political fence you sit this is not smart policy.
For years Papuans have been telling our leaders that Special Autonomy had failed, that the Freeport mine was a source of conflict, and that the military and police were killing them. Just in case we were not paying attention they described the situation as “slow motion genocide”.
So for those realists out there who think an independent West Papua would be a mistake, here’s some free policy advice: stop funding the armed group splitting Indonesia apart.
Giving a blank cheque to the Indonesian military while there is continued suppression of political freedoms in West Papua is the surest way for Australia to help Indonesia lose a country.
It seems the Australian government might be eager to usher in freedom in West Papua after all.
Exceptionally powerful article appearing the Jakarta Globe: a must read for all Indonesians who are concerned for Papua, either for or against. Bramantyo Prijosusilo | November 22, 2011
Transparency and accountability are universally accepted as the cornerstones of good governance. With neither present in Papua, we can be sure that the natural riches of the region will never come to benefit local communities, but will rather bring about the so-called “resource curse” in the form of economic, cultural, social and political strife and ecological disaster.
The massive destruction caused by Freeport-McMoRan, the American mining conglomerate, can now be witnessed by anyone with an Internet connection thanks to Google Earth. The continuous stream of stories of torture and murder that leak out of the region is proof that people are unhappy and that the national government is acting less than honorably there.
What the central government claims about goings-on in Papua cannot be trusted because its claims can be disproved immediately. Since the act of free choice in 1969 (called “the act of no choice” by Papuans resisting Indonesia’s “occupation”), the western half of Guinea island has been covered by a “batik curtain.” Foreign independent journalists are banned from working there freely, as are international NGOs.
However, with the advance of information technologies and the fact that more and more Papuans are receiving modern education, the contemptuous treatment of indigenous people at the hands of the nation’s police and military is becoming more and more difficult to conceal. Gleaning information on Papua from the Internet it becomes obvious that there are powerful forces at play in Papua that are bent on reaching the point of no return — where either all Papuans must be exterminated, or a second and more honest “act of free choice” is conducted, for the world to witness the true aspirations of the people of Papua in terms of their relationship with the Indonesian state.
The powerful forces bent on forcing Papuans to separate from Indonesia are none other than the central government, especially its military and police force.
Since the brutal murder of Papuan leader Theys Eluay a little over 10 years ago, the world has seen how Indonesia has yet to reform its approach to the issue of Papuan independence. As we near Dec. 1 — the date that Papuans consider to be their independence day — the world is fearfully expecting to witness more state violence against Papuans peacefully expressing their aspirations. Indeed, in the past few months we have witnessed attacks on journalists and peaceful protestors, including the still unclear circumstances surrounding the latest fatal shooting of eight gold prospecting civilians in the Paniai district.
On the issue of the Freeport workers on strike demanding better pay, the world witnesses how the central government’s actions toward the Freeport strikers differs from the government of Peru’s reaction toward the same sort of strike at a Freeport mine there. While the government of Peru visibly takes the role of a mediator that holds the interests of its own people foremost, Indonesia appears to unashamedly play the role of Freeport’s guard dog, and without hesitating to release live ammunition on its own people.
The recent armed police and military raids of Papuan students’ dormitories in Java and Bali are an indication of what is likely to come on Dec. 1. The recent Papuan voices that have leaked out thanks to the Internet indicate that there are plans for at least a “Morning Star” flag rising in Papua on that date. Although the government has cracked down hard on similar events in the past, it is unthinkable to imagine that the people of Papua have been cowed into submission by these repressions. Just as Indonesian youth defied the Dutch colonialists in the early 20th century and continued to raise the “Red and White,” so will the youths of Papua. After all, most Papuan youth leaders were educated in Indonesia, so they fully understand that perseverance pays and aspirations for independence cannot be stifled by force. Yhe more Indonesia uses force to keep its hold on Papua, the stronger its independence movement will become.
Papuan activists can also see how Islamists in Indonesia can actively work to destroy the country not only with impunity, but also with the tacit support of the state and members of the government. The Islamist party, Hizbut Tahrir, for example, openly agitates for the fall of the republic to build a global Islamic caliphate in its place, but the authorities tend to aid and support it rather than take action to hinder its activities. Islamists in the country openly work for the resurrection of the age of the Islamic caliphs, or at least work toward their version of Shariah being enshrined as state law, but even though these activities are in blatant contempt of our constitution, the government has never done so much as lift a little finger in defense of the republic and its principles in the face of these orchestrated attacks.
Therefore it is natural that activists from Papua feel that they are being continuously discriminated against, for they receive the harshest treatment for the simple activity of raising a flag.
So who is it that is working hardest to compel Papua break away? Are the people of Papua to blame for objecting to having their sacred lands ripped apart by corporations making profits for shareholders far away? Are they to blame if they do not trust Indonesia’s capacity or intent to develop the country along the lines of the constitution?
If Indonesia wants to keep Papua as part of the family, it needs to clean up its act, especially in curbing Islamist treason and protecting minorities. It also needs to open up Papua to the world and come clean and apologize for the wrongs it has inflicted on the people there. As Dec. 1 approaches, we can expect that the national government will try to further alienate Papuans to a point where the only way forward will be through a sea of blood.
Bramantyo Prijosusilo is a writer, artist and broadcast journalist in East Java.
In a statement issued on 17 November 2011, the Indonesian Bishops Conference has called for an end to violence in West Papua and for dialogue. The statement reads in full as follows:Violence is still occurring in the Land of Papua despite repeated calls from various parties for the Papuan problem to be solved peacefully. The welfare of the people can only be realised in an atmosphere of peace which makes it possible for all elements to work together peacefully. None of the many social problems in Papua can be solved with the use of violence. Violence leads to yet more violence and can only create new problems.. It is even worse when expressions of opinion and political statements from any group in society which are made peacefully in public are met with threats of the use of firearms, with arrests, torture and killings.
We, the members of the Indonesian Bishops Conference, express our deep concern and strongly condemn the occurrence of acts of violence which show no respect for the dignity of human beings and threaten the right to life blessed by God.
Acts of violence against the Papuan people and the violation of their human rights go back a long way in history. The pain felt by the Papuan people because of their treatment is not something trivial that can be ignored or responded to with a few off-the-cuff statements. The central government should have the courage to adopt a firm attitude and take a new approach which focuses on the interests and welfare of the Papuan people.
While expressing our concern and solidarity for all the victims of violence, the Indonesian Bishops Conference issues the following call upon the Central Government:
* We urge the Central Government to enter into dialogue with the Papuan community. The intentions expressed by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono when he first took office to solve the Papuan problem should now be put into practice. The path that should be taken is dialogue. Fine statements that have been made about ‘developing Papua with our heart’ should be put into practice with dialogue. With generosity of the heart and free from stigmatisation, the government should listen to calls from the Papuan people and what they have to say about their many sufferings since their integration into the Republic of Indonesia.
* In order to enter into constructive dialogue with all the Papuan people, we urge the Government to facilitate meetings with various elements of Papuan society, the regional governments and the MRP (Majelis Rakyat Papua), in order to respond to their hopes regarding the method and content of dialogue
* All groups which are struggling for Papua’s independence, whether they are called the OPM or groups with other names, including those at home and abroad, must be given the primary place in this dialogue. In order to guarantee that a dignified dialogue takes place in which there is mutual respect between the two sides, a third, trustworthy party should be brought in as the mediator.
* In view of the many human rights violations that have been experienced by the Papuan people, the government must restore justice, apologise and restore the rights of the Papuan people.
* The law on Special Autonomy was intended to provide protection and special facilities for the Papuan in order to improve their living conditions.Many things provided for in the special autonomy law have not yet materialised. A huge amount of money is now circulating in Papua and the influx of migrants from outside Papua has been speeded up. In many sectors, the Papuan people are being pushed out by these newcomers. We urge the central and regional governments to review the population situation and pay special attention to preparing the Papuan people be able to get the available jobs.
* Far too many security forces of many different types have been deployed in the Land of Papua. They have nothing positive to do in a way that would benefit local community. The attitudes they take as well as the things they do all too often make them enemies of the community, not a force to safeguard the security and the sense of tranquillity of the community. We urge the government to reduce the number of TNI (soldiers) in Papua and replace them with people of maturity who can become part of the local community, a force for the protection of the local community which can guarantee tranquillity for the people.
****
We, the members of the Indonesian Bishops Conference, hope that the government will pay attention to what we have proposed. and we express our support for all the religious leaders and all those who are struggling for the realisation of a Peaceful Land of Papua.
Jakarta, 17 November, 2011
INDONESIAN BISHOPS CONFERENCE
Mgr Martinus D.Situmorang,OFM Mgr Johannes Pujasumarta
Chairman Secretary-General
Bintang Papua, 17 November 2011The Federal Republic of West Papua (Republik Federasi Papua Barat) has issued an instruction to Papuan people everywhere to beware of certain groups of people who will try to provoke the Papuan people to raise their flag, which will trigger a response from the security forces who may start shooting people. This is particularly necessary for 1 December which is Independence Day of the Papuan people.
The instruction was issued by Forkorus Yaboisembut, president of the Republic, and Edison Waromi, its prime minister.
The instruction was conveyed in a press conference held by the spokesman of the transitional government, Jack Wanggai and a member of his staff, Heppi Daimboa, on Thursday.
He also said that there are groups called the TPN which have been set up by the Indonesian army and police, who will try to provoke the Papuan people.
He also said that the name of the flag which until now has been publicised as Bintang Kejora is now called Bintang Fajar. This is in accordance with a decision taken at th Papuan People’s Congress held from 24 May till 4 June, 2000 when it was decided to change the name of the flag from Bintang Kejora to Bintang Fajar. This decision was re-affirmed by a decision taken at the third Papuan People’s Congress held from 17 – 19 October 2011, which also adopted decisions regarding the currency, and the seven tribal regions which are now called the seven federated states.
The President and the Prime Minister also called on all Papuans to take part in thanksgiving prayers in locations that will be identified and should consist of peaceful actions, long marches and other activities. ‘Anything that happens outside these instructions are not the responsibility of the President and the Prime Minister,’ he said.
The senior Indonesian political commentator, Professor Ikrar Nusa Bhakti, said that the Indonesian military is keen to defend Papua as a military training ground. This is because, apart from Aceh, Papua is the only other natural place that is suitable for this purpose.
‘If Papua goes on being defended for this purpose, it is quite immoral,’ he said during a discussion at the Tembaga Hotel in Timika.
‘My reasoning is quite simple, because this not only turns the Papuans into enemies of the military or police but also provides the opportunity for outsiders to conduct what people refer to as humanitarian intervention. This could start with their just levelling criticisms but if things get “too ferocious”, the responsibility to protect principle can be used by these external forces.
‘And do you know what responsibility to protect means? It can easily be used as a shield for countries like the US or European countries to go ahead and do whatever they like in a country which they regard as being attractive economically or politically.’
Other countries where this has happened were, he said, Libya, Iraq, Afghanistan and Egypt. So, the problem is: why has the government allowed the process to happen and not do what any government ought to be doing?
All this, he said, makes him, as a political commentator, ask whether it is not too hasty to accuse the OPM of being behind everything that is occurring in connection with Freeport. ‘It is also going too far for the Minister-Coordinator for Legal, Political and Security Affairs to say that the only one who can reach a solution for the land of Papua is God Almighty!’ That is to say, if this quotation in Metro TV and TV One is indeed correct. ‘Why is this so? According to me, the Minister-Coordinator should stop doing this. Why? Because, as I have already said, although the Papuan question is quite complex, it is not really all that difficult! In other words, there’s no need for all this shooting – bang, bang, bang – to happen because if we invite them (the Papuans) to hold talks, that is exactly what they want, isn’t it?’
Professor Ikrar then drew attention to the views of some Papuan leaders such as the minister of shipping, Freddy Numberi who has urged everyone not to regard the question of NKRI as being ‘harga mati’ (the bottom line).
Ikrar went on to say that Numberi is not the only one; there is also Professor Dr Yuwono Sudarsono, the former minister of defence who once said that NKRI is not something ‘indisputable’. Independence for the Papuan people is not ‘harga mati’ but ‘harga hidup’, in other words something that can be negotiated. ‘If Papuans have ever said that independence is ‘harga mati’, I cannot understand why the central government just follows suit.’
According to Prof. Ikrar, in politics there is no such thing as ‘harga mati’. Why do people also talk about a bargaining position’. This applies too to all those political experts who are to be heard in discussions on television.
This is why Prof. Ikrar who has on several occasions been asked for his opinion about the Papuan question, has said that he supports what Dr. Neles Tebay, the (Papuan) writer, has said who has proposed dialogue as the way to solve the Papuan problem.
Ikrar went on to say that Dr Tebay has spoken about the three components who bear arms, calling on them to put an end to their activities which are only causing difficulties for the people in Papua.But this means that on the side of the people, they need to reach agreement among themselves about who will be the
spokesperson for the Papuan people. ‘Don’t do what happened in the case of a peace seminar that was once held, which led to the appointment of all people from abroad.’
‘I think that the government should also open the way for dialogue because at the first stage, there will surely be some people who keep on shouting,’ Prof. Ikrar said in conclusion.
Bintang Papua, 25 October 2011
[Abridged in translation by TAPOL]
Jayapura: A member of the Provincial Legislative Assembly of Papua, the DPRP, had called for the Chief of Police in Papua and Commander of the Cenderawasih Military Command to be held responsible for the loss of life when the Papuan People’s Congress was broken up last Wednesday.
‘The actions of the security forces in dispersing the Congress exceeded all bounds and exceeded their authority and in so doing were in violation of the laws in force,’ said Yan Mandenas, chairman of the Pikiran Rakyat group in the DPRP.
‘They exceeded their powers in attacking and shooting people who happened to be in the location, whether or not those people were involved in the Congress.’
‘If indeed they were committing an act of subversion, then those responsible should be arrested, not beaten up and shot. This is a serious violation of human rights and should be thoroughly investigated,’ he said. ‘This is not a trivial matter but something which attacks the self-respect of Papuan people. It seems as though whenever anything happens in Papua, the security forces act uncontrollably and start shooting.’
‘Killing innocent people is inhumane and it is always Papuans who are the casualties. If we want to develop Papua and preserve the unitary Republic of Indonesia, then we should stop hitting out at people and treating Papuans as if they are worthless.’
As for the claim of the chief of police in Papua that the casualties were only stabbed and not shot, if this is true, there should be autopsies. ‘Why have there been no reports of the result of autopsies?’
He said that if Papua is an indivisible part of Indonesia, then why do so many conflicts occur there. ‘There have been a number of mysterious shootings, none of which has been properly investigated.’
Mandenas said that an investigation team should be set up immediately to see whether violations were committed. ‘If there were violations, then those members of the security forces who were responsible should be sacked.’
Similar views were expressed by Ruben Magay, chairman of Commission A on Politics and Law of the DPRP.
He went on to say that he had urged the chief of police to withdraw his men because it (the Congress) was already over, but what in fact happened was that even though the event was at an end, they started chasing people, hitting them and shooting at people who happened to be in the vicinity; And no one was fighting back. ‘This is clearly a violation, with armed people shooting at random, hitting people who were not showing any resistance or carrying firearms.’
‘The National Human Rights Commission, Komnas HAM, as the competent body should carry out an investigation and say whether human rights were violated or not.’ He went on to say that the DPRP will press for an investigation team to be set up.
Meanwhile, a man named Yosep Nawipa who was happened to be in the vicinity became a casualty and was held in custody at police command headquarters. He said that he has been struck with a rifle butt by a member of the security forces, then pushed into their vehicle and taken to the police station. ‘Just as the event was being dispersed,’ he said. ‘I happened to pass through the location and I too was beaten up,
dragged into their vehicle and struck on the crown of my head,’ he said, pointing to the injury that he had sustained.
Bintang Papua, 21 October 2011Jayapura: Imparsial had condemned the shooting that occurred on 19 October during the Third Papuan People’s Congress which was held at the Zakeus field and has called on the president, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to take measures to resolve the Papuan problem as quickly as possible.
‘There should have been no loss of life or the injuries; what happened has only made the situation in Papua worse than than ever and is not in accord with the pledge made by the president – SBY -in his address on the occasion of 17 August this year that the situation in West Papua must be handled with care.
In an open letter. Poengky Indarti, executive-director of Imparsial said that the use of excessive force by the security forces, alleging that the congress was engaged in subversion ws totally unjustified. ‘ The mobilisation of the security forces which was very un-coordinated has only resulted in Papuan people feeling more insecure,’ said Indarti.
‘Now is the time to resolve the problems in Papua by means of good communication with the Papuan people.’ she said. The continued use of force and violence will not only destroy the Papuan people’s confidence in Indonesia, but will also undermine the confidence of the international community in the the president’s respect for human rights principles.’ Imparsial called on all sides to do everything to preserve peace in Papua, by showing respect for human rights.
According to the Papuan branch of Komnas HAM, the National Human Rights Commission, the six people who died were: James Gobay, 25 years old, Yosaphat Yogi 28, Daniel Kadepa 25, Maxsasa Yewi 35, Yacob Samonsabra 53, and Pilatus Wetipo. 40.
Those under arrest include Forkorus Yaboisembut, chairman of the Papuan Customary Council, and Edison Waromi who will face the charge of subversion under article 106 of the Criminal Code.
Others currently being interrogated include: August Makbrawnen Sananay Kraar, Selpius Bobii, chairman of the Congress, and Dominikus Sirabat, a Papuan human rights activist.
Indonesian crackdown on Papuan Congress sparks outrage
A joint statement by TAPOL (UK), the West Papua Advocacy Team (WPAT,
US) and East Timor Action Network (ETAN, US)
On Wednesday, a meeting of thousands of indigenous Papuans in
Jayapura, West Papua, became the scene of a brutal crackdown by
Indonesian security forces. Indonesian troops and police Mobile
Brigades reportedly fired hundreds of shots to disperse the crowd,
pistol-whipped participants and beat them with batons and rattan
canes. They arrested around 300 participants. According to the
Indonesian press, security forces turned violent when Papuan
indigenous leaders, who had gathered to discuss their basic rights,
issued a declaration of independence.
“This appalling display of excessive force has no place in a modern
democracy,” said Lord Avebury, Vice Chair of the UK Parliamentary
Human Rights Group. Avebury called on the Indonesian government to
immediately release detainees and conduct and publish a full
investigation into the incident.
Two people are confirmed dead, with many more injured and five charged
with treason. Among those arrested were Congress organiser Mr Selphius
Bobii, and prominent indigenous leader Mr Forkorus Yaboisembut, head
of the Papuan Customary Council (Dewan Adat Papua). The arrests are a
provocative response to a peaceful gathering, targeting one of West
Papua’s most respected tribal leaders, said the US-based West Papua
Advocacy Team.
The meeting is the third of its kind to take place in West Papuan
history, and was reportedly attended by around 4,000–5,000 people.
While the Congress attracted thousands more to the surrounding area,
many were prevented from gaining entry to the event by security
forces, or were too afraid to enter.
“It is bitterly ironic that when Papuans meet to discuss their basic
rights, Indonesia responds by violating those rights,” said Carmel
Budiardjo, senior campaigner for the UK-based NGO TAPOL. “The daily
discrimination and violations experienced by Papuans are bad enough,
but an attack of this nature on a democratic congress is an absolute
outrage,” she continued.
The use of the infamous ‘makar’ or treason laws to deny the right to
freedom of expression and assembly is an increasing problem in Papua,
suppressing activists and fuelling simmering resentments among the
indigenous population. On Wednesday, US Congressman Mr Eni
Faleomavaega expressed concerns about the arrests, calling for the
immediate release of Mr Forkorus Yaboisembut. The US-based East Timor
Action Network has also condemned the arrests. “The right to gather
and speak out is a fundamental freedom, it doesn’t just disappear
because the government doesn’t like what is being said,” said John M.
Miller, the network’s National Coordinator.
The situation in Jayapura last night was tense amidst fears of
reprisals and further actions by security forces against local
residents and those involved in the Congress. TAPOL, WPAT and ETAN
call on the international community to urge Indonesia to show
restraint, release the detainees, and commit to a peaceful resolution
of the West Papua conflict.
/ Ends
Contacts
UK: Paul Barber, Coordinator, TAPOL, +44-20-8771-2904
paul.barber@tapol.org
US: Ed McWilliams, West Papua Advocacy Team, +1-575-648-2078
edmcw@msn.com
John M. Miller, East Timor Action Network,
+1-917-690-4391 john@etan.org
Photos and video clips
Photos of victims available from TAPOL on request, including victims
suffering gunshot wounds and beatings.
Check West Papua Media Info for breaking news and video clips direct
from West Papua.
Background notes for editors
The Third Papuan People’s Congress
The Congress, themed ‘Affirming the basic rights of the indigenous
Papuan people for the present and the future’ was planned to last for
three days. It opened in Abepura, Jayapura, on 16 October 2011 with
between 4,000 and 5,000 delegates in attendance representing more than
200 tribal groups from across the territory. Over 20,000 more
gathered in the vicinity of the Congress. The organisers were forced
to hold the event in an open field as requests to hold it at a more
suitable venue were rejected.
For the first two days the Congress proceeded peacefully, but the
atmosphere was increasingly tense due to the build-up of over 2,000
members of the security forces in Jayapura. According to local sources
reported by West Papua Media Info, troops encircled the conference
with around 70 vehicles including Army Pansers, a water cannon,
Armoured Personnel Carriers and Barracuda armoured jeeps. On the third
day at the close of the conference, Indonesian troops armed with
automatic weapons, along with units of Brimob, the notorious mobile
brigade of the Indonesian police, reportedly opened fire in an attempt
to disperse the Congress.
History of the Papuan People’s Congress
The First Papuan People’s Congress was held on October 16–19 in 1961,
and issued a manifesto declaring their independence. The Second
Congress held in May–June 2000 issued a resolution which affirmed
their sovereignty as a people and led to the establishment of the
representative body, the Papuan Presidium Council (PDP). Just over a
year later, in November 2001, the PDP chairman, Theys Eluay was
kidnapped by a unit of Indonesia’s Kopassus Special Forces and
assassinated. In a travesty of justice which characterises the problem
of impunity for security forces in Indonesia, the perpetrators were
sentenced to between two and three and a half years.
Elsewhere in Papua: strikes at Freeport
At the same time as the Congress was underway, thousands of Papuan
workers employed by the massive Freeport copper-and-gold mine in West
Papua continued their strike to demand a substantial rise in wages.
The strike, which has hit production at the multibillion dollar
company, which is losing millions, has been met by security force
violence. Since the late 1970s Freeport has been the largest taxpayer
to the Indonesian state, while the majority of Papuans continue to
live in dire poverty: the Papuan provinces remain the poorest in
Indonesia.
One of the world’s longest-running conflicts, the independence
struggle between the Free West Papua Organisation (Organisasi Papua
Merdeka, OPM) and the Indonesian state has been raging for 48 years,
since Indonesia took control of West Papua on 1 May 1963. The conflict
escalated when West Papua was formally incorporated into Indonesia
following the controversial Act of Free Choice in 1969.
Recent context
A period of heightened political activity in the middle of 2011,
including the holding of a Papua Peace Conference in Abepura from 5-7
July and calls for dialogue with the central government, generated
positive signs that tentative progress is being made towards resolving
the Papuan problem, but was followed by a series a violent incidents
and human rights violations. The outcomes of the Peace Conference,
organised by the Jaringan Damai Papua (Papua Peace Network) led by
Father Neles Tebay, provided an aspirational agenda for a peaceful
Papua with a series of ‘Indicators of Papua, Land of Peace.’
Note: The term West Papua covers the whole territory of West Papua,
which in 2003 was divided into two provinces: Papua and West Papua.
1400 JAYAPURA : Indonesian troops and police have amassed outside the Third Papuan Peoples‘ Congress in a show of force that credible sources arereporting is to forcibly break up a peaceful gathering of thousands of Papuans in Taboria oval (Zaccheus Field), Abepura, Jayapura, the capital of West Papua.
The Third Papuan People’s Congress is being held for the second time since Indonesia’s invasion in 1963. Papuan delegates openly discussed their rights to self-determination and the pathways to a referendum on the future of West Papua. Forkorus Yaboisembut, the chair of the Papuan Customary Council was quoted in Papuan media sources as saying that the Congress is “part of the struggle of indigenous Papuans to enforce their fundamental rights.” He argued that Papuans are not seeking to undermine or destroy Indonesia. however “we strive to uphold our fundamental rights, including political rights, including the right to independence as a nation…. And whatever be produced, the Government of Indonesia should able to appreciate it.”
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Photos and video sent live from Petapa Community security forces and West Papua Media stringers are showing a massive buildup of military hardware surrounding the conference venue, where up to 20,000 people have been gathering since October 16 to determine their pathway to self-determination. Occupying Indonesian military forces have made regular public pronouncements in recent days that they will not allow any gathering to threaten the unity of the Republic of Indonesia, and peaceful discussion is of this is also banned.
The congress is still continuing. According to witnesses the military presence is strong and fully armed with automatic weapons. Army Panser armed personnel carriers and Police Barracudas are present but they appear not to have made moves to physically break-up the gathering. However, the presence of the security forces seems to have deterred some from attending.
Sources at Congress from Church, West Papua National Authority, Dewan Adat Papua and West Papuan National Cmmittee representatives that they are all prepared to stay and continue to meet until finished. Not sure when that will be. They are in the process of discussing a transitional / parallel government structure.
Delegates of the conference have sent out a series of urgent messages to the international community demanding that act immediately to stop a brutal Indonesian military action that is set to forcibly breakup the historic gathering.
Markus Haluk, the leader of a Papuan youth organization, sent a plea via text message, saying that it’s an “emergency situation.” He wrote, ”In some moments possibly we will be massacred and there will be a bloodbath.” Haluk asked international supporters to tell the Kapolda (Head of Police) and the Pangdam (Military Commander for Papua Erfi Triassunu) in Jayapura to retrieve their troops.
Text messages sent to the military commanders from international supporters demand “The world is watching the 3rd Papuan National Congress. Remove troops and police now. Let West Papuans exercise their human right to gather and discuss their future without violence”.
The Australian Greens have also expressed deep concern. “The Congress is a peaceful event, and the Papuan people have a right to assemble and discuss their future,” said Greens West Papua spokesperson, Senator Richard Di Natale, from the Australian Parliament today. “To meet without threat of violence is a fundamental human right that all citizens enjoy.”
Senator Di Natale has also been in contact with the Indonesia Embassy in Canberra today to convey the concern.
“No level of violence is acceptable at a peaceful gathering,” added Senator Di Natale. “The authorities will have to answer to the world for any bloodshed that occurs.”
Papuan activists who declined to be identified have requested that international supporters telephone the chiefs of Police and the Army (Kapolda – +62 811 950376 and Pangdam TNI +62 811136522) to tell them to withdraw their forces immediately
The Australian Greens today urged the Indonesian authorities to show restraint at the 3rd Papuan National Congress in Jayapura, and warned them that the world is watching what occurs.
“The Congress is a peaceful event, and the Papuan people have a right to assemble and discuss their future,” said Greens West Papua spokesperson, Senator Richard Di Natale, from the Australian Parliament today. “To meet without threat of violence is a fundamental human right that all citizens enjoy.”
The Senator’s remarks were in response to reports that a heavy police and paramilitary presence was converging on Taboria Oval, the site of the Congress, and that violence seemed imminent.
“No level of violence is acceptable at a peaceful gathering,” added Senator Di Natale. “The authorities will have to answer to the world for any bloodshed.”
Special Report By West Papua Media editorial and field teams
October 19, 2011
(Jayapura) Scenes of jubilation and free expression have erupted in Jayapura, West Papua as over 20,000 delegates took part in the historic Third Papuan People’s Congress. Thunderous cries of “Papua Merdeka!” filled the streets as tens of thousands of people marched towards the Congress venue Taboria oval (Zaccheus Field) in Abepura, after the Indonesian government prevented the Congress from being held at the Cenderawasih University. Despite threats by Indonesian security forces to derail the Congress, held for only the second time since Indonesia’s invasion in 1963, Papuan delegates openly discussed their rights to self-determination and the pathways to referendum on the future of West Papua.
The Third West Papuan People’s Congress was called by the West Papua National Committee and supported by the majority of civil society and political groups across West Papua, including the Papuan Customary Council (DAP) and the West Papua National Authority (WPNA), with the exception of some elements of the armed wing, the TPN/OPM.
Over 5000 people had already gathered from 8 am at the Taboria oval, with the numbers continuing to grow steadily throughout the day. Organisers were hoping for up to 40,000 attendees from across Papua, and at least 20,000 were present by Monday afternoon.
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Approximately 5000 people from Yapen, Waropen, Mamberamo, Manokwari, Sorong, and Jayapura conducted a “long march” rally from Yawa dormitory in Abepura towards the Taboria oval. This march was under the responsibility of WPNA and security was provided by over a thousand Petapa community security personnel, although over 500 police were following behind the march in trucks.
Amid tight security due to the threat of violence from Indonesian military and police apparatus, 100 guests were allowed to attend the opening of the Congress which followed with a traditional mumu or feast. 14 pigs were killed with several Paramount customary Chiefs present, as the Sampari dance group performed the traditional dances. The Sampari dance group was infamously persecuted by the Indonesian military as “separatists” after an emotional performance at the Second Papuan Peoples’ Congress in 2000 that depicted the Biak Massacre of 1998. They also danced with the sacred Morning Star flag, banned by Indonesia, which was officially raised around 2pm. Sampari dancers presented the Papuan Collective Leadership, comprising Forkorus Yaboisembut, Eliezer Awom, Septinus Paiki, and the Reverend Edison Waromi of the WPNA, with a traditional Tifa drum, on which he beat a rhythm to officially open the Congress.
The initial stages of Congress featured speakers from across Papuan civil society speaking on the need to take strong action to end impunity for human rights abuses and to implement the pathways to self-determination.
The Chairman of the Baptist Church in Papua, Sofyan Yoman, was one of the opening speakers on behalf of Papuan Council of Churches who spoke about crimes against humanity being committed daily against the Papuan people. He called upon those present to help in “challenging all the Churches to speak up for human rights for West Papuan people”. “These churches who are living in fear should and must speak out about the atrocities and ongoing injustice in Papua,” Yoman said.
Other speakers from across Papuan civil society and customary leaders spoke of the will of the Papuan people being a step closer to realisation through the holding of the Congress, but a long road was still ahead of Papuan to gain freedom or Merdeka.
The Chairman of the DAP, Forkorus Yaboisembut, was elected on the first day as the Chairman for the Congress. As reported in Indonesian news outlet Kompas, Yaboisembut explained Congress is “part of the struggle of indigenous Papuans to enforce their fundamental rights.” He argued that Papuans are not seeking to undermine or destroy Indonesia. however “we strive to uphold our fundamental rights, including political rights, including the right to independence as a nation.” According to Yaboisembut, the Collective Leadership Committee has no particular agenda. “The people who will proceed in the congress. And whatever be produced, the Government of Indonesia should able to appreciate it.”
West Papua Media stringers report that preliminary recommendations had been made by both the organising committee and speakers of the makeup of mandated office holders for a new Congress 3 Presidium, that would officially speak for West Papua’s independence movement. In a surprising display of common purpose, delegate have initially endorsed the consideration of office bearers, though no binding decisions have been made. Frans Kapisa of WPNA, had recommended that Forkorus Yaboisembut, the Chairman the Papuan Customary Council – be elected as the inaugural President of the Democratic Republic of West Papua.
Participants at Congress have indicated that the deliberations could extend until Friday or beyond, and that any political, logistical, timetable, and office-bearing positions arrived at currently are far from finalised.
Security Force intimidation
Despite the jubilation and ability to engage in open and peaceful free expression at Congress, sources report that Indonesian security forces are continuing to gear up for an imminent potential assault or dispersal on the Congress participants. Bintang Papua reported that the announced presence of the Indonesian Coordinating Minister for Political and Security Affairs Djoko Suyanto at the Congress would not be attending, despite the promise by Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono that he would attend to represent Indonesia.
However the Papuan-based Indonesian police commander Bigman Tobing has stated that his forces will not be there to cause unrest, merely to protect the proceeding of the Congress. “The joint forces have to obey in order not to cause Unrest in the community,” he said. Local newspapers in Jayapura reported that security forces were preparing 2,200 personnel with armour, “not to frighten the people but to ensure calm’. Unconfirmed reports state that all police leave has been cancelled around the greater Jayapura area.
Over 3000 Petapa Community Security Guards have been trained and deployed to provide security for the Congress, with duties of surveillance, detection of intelligence agents, and keeping a physical buffer zone between Papuans and Indonesians to minimise any potential for contact. The proactive but peaceful work of the Petapa force is believed to be stymying any legitimacy of the Indonesian security forces to action, a strategy which according to sources inside Petapa has caused simultaneous frustration and admiration from security forces with apparent lines of communication open between senior police as part of the Papuan security strategy. Petapa personnel are greatly outnumbering the deployed Indonesian security forces, though any direct confrontation would probably see Indonesian weapons being used, a scenario that Petapa have trained for.
On Tuesday afternoon, credible local stringers for West Papua Media reported that several hundred fully armed Indonesian police and military took up offensive positions outside the offices of the DPRD. Five Indonesian Army Pansers with .50 calibre machineguns, one company of soldiers from the TNI and 1 SSK (Strategic Company – 150) of Brimob paramilitary police reportedly in full combat gear made manouevres to attempt tho dissolve the gathering. Based on observation by local human rights sources and troop dispositions provided to West Papua Media, surrounding the Congress were 13 Ranger trucks, 24 Army troop transports, 20 Brimob trucks, water cannon, 3 police buses, 2 mobile prisons, Military police/ Provost units (to ensure military discipline), 6 Army Pansers and 4 Police Barracuda Armoured Personnel Carriers, all containing fully armed troops. Approximately 2200 Indonesian security forces were surrounding Congress in a display that participants believed were deliberately designed to intimidate. Security forces also conducted several high profile convoys of armour and hardware throughout the proceedings of Congress, and conducted very visible drills throughout the day and night.
West Papua Media’s stringers have reported that there is a understanding amongst delegates that brutal action from Indonesian security forces seems inevitable, but that the intimidation is not going to stop them from discussing the options for their future. At time of writing a credible source stated that the Joint TNI/Polri security force plan to occupy the field on the morning of October 19, though this has not been fully decided. It is likely that any plan for taking over the field will lead to conflict and bloodshed.
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