Tag Archives: colonialism

GEMPAR Otsus Plus rejection rally banned, blockaded by Police in Jayapura

News article

from West Papua Media stringers in Jayapura

March 11, 2014

Several hundred students and civil society members led by the Papuan Student Movement (GEMPAR or “Uproar”) holding a peaceful demonstration in Jayapura today were again blockaded by around 200 armed riot Police who imposed a ban on the gathering, after a similar gathering on March 4 drew world attention.

The demonstration was called to show the extent of public opposition to the proposed new Special Autonomy “Plus” (Otsus Plus) legislation due to be imposed on Papua and West Papua provinces later in 2014.

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Scenes from Gempar rally rejecting OtsusPlus, Jayapura, March 11, 2014 (Photo: WestPapuaMedia/NareYare and Sauri Bounas. Please contact WPM before outside non-commercial use of any of these images for exact crediting)

Despite having rights of freedom of expression guaranteed under Special Autonomy legislation, large numbers of  Indonesian occupation force Police banned the gathering and prevented students from leaving the Cenderawasih Universtiy (UNCEN) grounds.  Scores of police were also on hand at other GEMPAR rallying points, at the new UNCEN gate, the old archway entrance to UNCEN, campus dormitories, and also outside the main Post Office in Abepura.

Police prevented unarmed civil society participants from joining the rally according to witnesses, and blockaded several groups of Papuan civilians across Abepura and Jayapura with scores of riot police in full armour, several ranks of heavily armed Brimob commandos from the Sabhara Perintis and Gegana anti-terror units, including several members of the Australian funded Detachment 88 counter-terror unit, backed up by over a hundred plain clothes armed intelligence agents dispersed throughout the town.

The Jayapura Police Chief, Alfred Papare, had banned the rally due to a highly restrictive set of conditions and threatened to use for against the protesters, however negotiation ensured that the day remain without violence, despite intelligence agents menacing violence.  West Papua Media (WPM) stringers reported and photographed several instances where media workers were being filmed and identified by intelligence officers and police.

Jayapura Police chief Papare demonstrated his opposition to democratic rights in Papua by providing a letter that outlined ten reasons for the rally ban, saying:

    • that GEMPAR is not an approved organisation in the eyes of POlice;
    • it didn’t pre-approve all pamphlets and banners with police beforehand
    • it refused to name individual organisers and speakers at the action;
    • did not provide Police with crowd numbers, nor get traffic clearance
    • Police would not recognise the local time zone of WPB, as it considers observance of local time as an act of separatism.  Indonesia only recognises time zones as WIB ( Western Indonesian Time), CET/WITA ( Central Indonesian Time ) and WIT/EST ( Eastern Indonesia Time)
    • That previous rallies caused traffic jams;
    • Gempar Chairman Yason Ngelia had previous shouted slogans and made speeches against government policy and the state, and was therefore allegedly “spreading hatred against Indonesia”
    • That all acts of free expression, collective action, mass rallies and peaceful protest were banned “To maintain the internal security situation conducive to smotth implementation of the democratic  legislative elections and the 2014 presidential election in the city of Jayapura” as that “could destabilise internal security.”

West Papua Media journalist Nare Yare (pseudonym) reports that despite these bans, students were undeterred and began a several peaceful gathering at the old arch gates of the university at 8.30 in the morning, also gathering outside the student dormitories at Perumnas 3 Housing Complex in Waena.  Other participants in the days events began a traditional cultural long march around 0920 to the UNCEN office of Lukas Enembe, Indonesia’s appointed Governor in Papua province.

However Police began to confront  and blockade the peaceful protesters at 1040am outside Perumnas 3 to prevent the marches from joining up, and about 15 minutes of shield charges, flying wedge attacks, physical pushing and shoving occurred between students and riot police.  There were no arrests reported, nor significant injuries at his time.

Later, protesters regrouped and attempted to read out statements at the Governor’s office, but police again moved in to prevent the statement criticising Otsus Plus being read in front of the Governors office.  Protesters then finished the  rally outside Perumnas 3, a site of martyrdom for West Papua youth, after several human rights abuses took place there, including the broad daylight extrajudicial assassination of former KNPB leader Mako Tabuni in 2012 by Detachment 88 officers.

At the archway entrance to UNCEN, Gempar coordinators conducted speeches and street theatre, with a creative theatre of West Papuan students, one by one, stamping into the dust and asphalt a copy of the draft Otsus Plus legislation, shouting “Tolak Otsus Gagal!” (“Reject Special Autonomy Plus!”).  This was then symbolically set on fire to finalise its rejection.

Protest coordinator Yason Ngelia said in a speech at Perumnas 3, “we reject Autonomy Plus.  Special autonomy has failed , we must determine our own fate.  The Special Autonomy Plus draft is prepared not from the desire of the people of Papua , but for the Governor and the interests of bureaucrats.  We will keep demonstrating until there is a solution for the fate of Papuans “

The GEMPAR demonstration in its rejection of Otsus Plus demanded three points, namely:

  • that the Government of Jakarta , the Government of Papua and West Papua stop discussion of implementation Special Autonomy Plus;
  • The Government of Papua and West Papua, along with the DPRP and MRP, begin facilitating Public Hearings of the support or rejection of Otsus Plus for all components of Papuan society;
  • A Referendum to be held on whether Papuans want Special Autonomy Plus.

Even during this peaceful reading of the opposition of Papua people to legislation seen as imposed by Jakarta on West Papua,  Police still blockaded the road with large numbers growing to more than 300 police,  4 trucks carrying Dalmas Papua Police from Abepura and one from Jayapura, 3 Brimob police Trucks , 1 Armoured assault vehicle, a water cannon, and two commanders vehicles.   Also in Old Abe Uncen , 2 trucks Dalmas Police from Jayapura Police Station were attending with several dozen police, and a 25 member Dalmas platoon/section at  Expo Waena taxi terminal.

Due to this intimidation and threats of further violence from security forces, organisers cancelled the rally and dispersed just before 2pm local time.

Organisers have vowed to renew their attempts to hold a peaceful demonstration on March 12.

West Papua Media will be monitoring.

WESTPAPUAMEDIA

50 Years of the Violation of Basic Human Rights in West Papua: Part one and two

Statement by Yan Christian Warinussy, Executive Director of LP3BH, made in preparation for discussions that were due to take place at the beginning of 2014.]
March 10, 2014

As an organisation which advocates basic human rights in the Land of Papua, the LP3BH – Manokwari wishes to record to all those who have remained silent about the conditions now prevailing in the Land of Papua, the experiences of the indigenous Papuan people who have ceaselessly tried to ensure that no-one will forget what has been happening  in this territory since 1 May 1963 and what continues to happen systematically up to the present day

      To begin with, it is essential to understand the history, in order to understand who it was who was responsible for the status  imposed on the Land of Papua on 1 May 1963. The indigenous Papua people have every right to enjoy all the rights that have been stipulated in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and  various international covenants regarding economic, social and political rights  as well as other international covenants all of which have been disregarded with regard to the situation in West Papua.
      At the time of Papua’s incorporation into the Republic of Indonesia, Ali Murtopo (a senior adviser to the then president of Indonesia) was quoted as saying: “What we want and need is the land in Papua, not the Papuans who live there.”
      In 1967, a Contract of Work was concluded by Indonesia regarding the exploitation of the copper and gold and possibly also uranium around the Grasberg Mountain around Tembagapura which was widely known to the Indonesian government as well as a US multinational corporation called Freeport McMoran.
    This makes it very clear why the USA played such an active role on the diplomatic front to ensure that West Papua would be incorporated as part of Indonesia, despite the glaring differences between the Papuan people with regard to their history, as well as their anthropology and ethnography and people living in other parts of Indonesia.
      It was abundantly evident that the USA was very interested in the natural resources in West Papua which explains why that country took such an interest in this matter.
“Gentlemen, I am angry with God. Why has God created such beautiful mountains, valleys and rivers, rich with minerals and placed us, the indigenous peoples, here in this place that attracts so many people from around the world to come, exploit our resources, and kill us?”
 [Translator's Note: This prayer was said in 1994 by a man who lived on the Grasberg Mountain, who bemoaned the fact that the territory inhabited by Amungme people was so richly endowed with natural resources of huge interest to the USA.]
       That man whose name was Tuarek Narkime delivered words that are widely known to and understood* by the leaders and people of the Amungme tribe in drawing attention to the many violations of the rights of these people which were perpetrated in the area when the Freeport mine was being  established, during the course of which many Amungme people lost their lives as a result of actions by Freeport personnel as well as by members of the Indonesian army and police, although none of these people have ever been called account before a court of law for what they have done.
     These introductory remarks provide the basis for everyone anywhere in the world and all democrats around the world to take a new look at the past as well at the present regarding the acts of violence that continue to occur in the vicinity of the Freeport mine without anyone ever being called to account for what they have done.

Ever since 1963 and 1967, the LP3BH has recorded the fact that the Republic of Indonesia has consistently used violence against the West Papuan people, something that even started to happen before those years.

    On 15 August 1962, when the New York  Agreement was signed by Indonesia and The Netherlands under the supervision of the United States of America, the Papuan people were not involved’ They were not even consulted for their opinion. Yet, at that time there was a New Guinea Council  which consisted of representatives of  the Papuan people, the members of which were chosen by means of democratically held elections which took place on 5 April 1961 in Hollandia (now called Jayapura).
      [All the names of the members of the Council who were elected, of whom 22 were Papuans, are listed  as well as those who were appointed which included one Papuan and five Dutch people, including one Indo-Dutch person.]
    Besides that, there were two major religious organisations, – the GKI [Evangelical Christian Church] and the Catholic Church] which were spread across  the whole of the Land of Papua. Yet, these churches were never consulted as part of civil society in the territory at the time. This was despite the fact that the UN was involved  in the creation of UNTEA as well as The Netherlands and the USA.
     What we mean by being consulted is all about the framework and  the possible problems that might arise among the indigenous Papuan people who were regarded as being too primitive  to take part in an election held according to the principle of ‘one person, one vote’. Were the towns and villages in West Papua too complex for the New Guinea Council or the two churches to choose their leaders? Such advice would have been very useful and important in deciding on on how to conduct the elections in accordance with the traditions  and customary laws that were vibrant among the Papuan people. who were supposed to have been consulted by means of the Act of Free Choice which was to have been held by 1969 in the Land of Papua.
     There was never any request for advice or opinion from the Papuan people. Still worse, what actually happened was that Papuans were arrested and even  cruelly tortured for allegedly being involved in an ‘underground movement’, with the intention of overthrowing the Indonesian Government. This is what happened to Baldus Mofu as a result of which he was mentally damaged at the hands of the military police and members of the Indonesian Air Force in Manokwari. Another Papua, Nicholas Tanggahma is believed to have died  after ingesting food that had been poisoned when he was staying at the Arfak Hotel in Manokwari in 1969.
     Several other members of the Council such as Marcus Kaisiepo and Nicholas Jouwe were arrested and taken to Europe prior to the Act of Free Choice. Others were treated in the same way, including E.J Bonay, F.K.T. Poana, A.S. Onim and Thontjee Meset.
     All these acts of violence were perpetrated by members of the Indonesian security forces, the TNI and Polri. and further intensified as the Act of Free Choice drew near in August 1969.
     The LP3BH is well aware of the fact that many activists in Biak, Sorong, Manokwari, Jayapura, Wamena, Nabire  as well as in Merauke were arbitrarily arrested by the TNI and Polri some of whom were summarily killed. An example of what happened occurred on 28 July 1969 in Manokwari when 53 Papuans were summarily executed at the headquarters of the Infantry Battalion in Arfak-Manokwari.
     Such human rights violations have systematically occurred ever since that time, following the enactment of Law 12/1999. This was clarified in the General Remarks contained in paragraph 1, section 6 which state: ‘The Act of Free Choice  in West Irian  was a manifestation of the aspirations of the Papuan people and resulted in the people of Papua and  West Papua  expressing their wish to be united with the people of other regions of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia, affirming  that West Papua is part of the Unitary Republic of Indonesia.’
      The afore-mentioned statement became the legal basis for the Indonesian Government to enforce paragraphs 109 and 110 in law.  This codification was part of the law under the Dutch Constitution [Wetboek van Strafrecht]  whenever the government takes firm action against the Papuan people when they challenge  ‘Papua’s political integration’.
     As a result of all this, every time  that people in Papua or West Papua seek to challenge ‘political integration’  using their right to freedom of expression as guaranteed in Law 39/1999
on Basic Human Rights as well as universal human rights, they are accused of the crime of treason under the Indonesian Constitution.
      Such incidences occurred in Biak on 6 July 1999 when a group of Papuans unfurled the Morning Star Flag under the leadership of Filep Karma which resulted in his being subjected to acts of brutality by the TNI and Polri and which moreover resulted in dozens, even hundreds, of Papuans falling as victims, some of whom even lost their lives. All this resulted in Filep Karma and his colleagues facing the charge of treason.
(End of part on and  two of the translation.)
Translated by Carmel Budiardjo, founder of Tapol

STOP DANCING ATOP OF SUFFERING OF THE PAPUAN COMMUNITY!

Opinion

By Rufinus Madai

February 28, 2013

For 13 years now  government officials in Papua have been enjoying the benefits of the millions of Indonesian rupiah that has come its way thanks to the Special Autonomy package given by the Indonesian Government; and it’s undeniable that government officials at the provincial level as well as at the regency (local) level of the bureaucracy have allowed themselves to be ‘bought’ by this money.

They have allowed themselves to be bought in the way they think, at the level of their conscience and in regards to their sensitivity to the reality of what’s going on around them.  As a result of their ‘selling-out’, in every instance it’s the Papuan community that ends up suffering the consequences, suffering the loss.  The little people.

One can’t help wondering why in this era of Special Autonomy with all the money it brings into Papua, are we still seeing the constant suffering of the indigenous Papuan community.  Why are there still the constant injustices, the mistruths, the inequalities of the legal system and the destructive conflict that’s dragging on forever?  In fact one starts to ask the question whether the Special Autonomy is actually playing a role in creating that suffering.

Strange that in this ‘Special Autonomy’ era and with all the money that flows through that program, that the government bureaucrats are sucking the life from the Papuan community by selling off the resources of the land on which the people totally depend for survival, and meanwhile they stand idly by watching  the endless violations of the indigenous Papuan’s human rights.

The people are repressed, treated with inhumane cruelty, objectified, detained, chased, labeled separatists and even killed.   In receiving  such wealth for their ‘services’ they have become like purchased puppets of the Indonesian government.   Is it any wonder with these realities so obvious that the Papuan community time and again shows its distrust of the bureaucrats of the Indonesian government in Papua?

Whilst they enjoy the luxuries that millions of rupiah from Special Autonomy bring, the basic rights of the people are not even being considered and their sufferings go on and on without end.  We are not referring here to one remote corner of Papua but rather this is going on throughout the entire land of Papua.

The systems, policies and laws which have been created together with the Central Government to date have not only failed to bring benefit, but in fact have brought great loss to the indigenous Papuan community.   Such loss, that the  community has become convinced that the laws and policies created  for application in Papua are intended to repress and eventually annihilate the indigenous Papuan community from the land.

The government bureaucrats at the Papuan level are involved up to their necks! It’s as if they have become enchained to the big money Special Autonomy brings and they can’t break free.  Bought by the system.  No matter what they do or what decision they make under these circumstances whether regarding laws, policies or other, that will always be determined according to these ties.  Their decisions and actions are not based on good conscience made to address the needs of the people. The consequence being that the little people become the victims.

Until this time there have been no positive changes whatsoever brought about by the development programs as implemented by the government in Papua.  How could there be as the reality is that these programs in whatever form they may be, are not based on a recognition of the basic rights of the Papuan indigenous community!

They are not programs that help with poor education, or which address structural poverty or people’s basic human rights.  The Papuan community is well aware of this and believes that programs being implemented in Papua are simply those intended to support the vision , goals and programs of the National Indonesian Government.  Programs which increasingly marginalize the Papuan indigenous population, creating colonial domination, structural poverty, overpowering of the local community and ultimately leading to the death of the Papuan indigenous community.

The Papuan community is also well aware  of the way the two Provincial Papuan Governments to date have been operating,  acting  always in ways that prioritises their own tax revenue income whilst trampling on the land of the little people. Yet at the same time taking no actions in those areas where the community needs social laws to protect the people such as regarding the abuse of alcohol and the provision of sexual services.

The Indonesian Government knows it has ‘bought’ these government officials and that they are now tied tightly to and dependent on the National Indonesian Government.  Money speaks and in the same way money effectively silences voices concerning the constant human rights violations that are taking place right across the land of Papua.

However in spite of their having allowed themselves to be bought by the Indonesian government, nevertheless the Papuan community continues to hope that those Papuan  Government officials referred to will turn back to the people. That in so doing that they will  stop ‘selling out on’  the little people  of Papua, stop dividing the land further which in so doing divides the people,  stop making decisions in the interests of their own power and wealth and  stop acting in ways that support the vision and programs of the National Government and extending the conflict in Papua yet further.

The Papuan community continues to hope that the Papuan Government leaders will reject Special Autonomy so that they may not be dependent and tied in such ways to Jakarta. Continues to hope that these leaders finally may have the courage to themselves assert what policies and concepts of development are needed that truly support and are able to bring about improvements in the welfare of the ordinary people.

Such that the Papuan community might determine its own future on its own land.  Such that the paradigm of Papuans as being primitive, ignorant people who need others to organize them may come to an end. The little people of Papua have waited faithfully so long and yet still the tears flow without ceasing.

“May they who have ears to hear listen, may they who have eyes see,  and may they who have hearts and minds consider carefully and arrive at those  decisions that are right and that is acceptable to all persons.”
The Writer is a post graduate student at the Catholic Seminary in Abepura, Papua.

Blasius Sumaghai beaten by Indonesian Navy Officers in Bade, Mappi

February 20, 2014

from our partners AwasMifee, Majalah Selangkah,plus trusted sources in Mappi interviewed by both AwasMifee and West Papua Media

Mappi, Majalah Selangah – Blasius Sumaghai (23 years old), a resident of Bade village, Edera District, Mappi, Papua has been beaten by members of the Indonesian Navy. The reasons for the beating were not clear.

According to information compiled by majalahselangkah.com, Blasius
Sumaghai, the son of the late Abraham Sumaghai who was an Awyu community leader, was beaten by several Navy officers on the 26th January 2014. The beating meant that Blasius Sumaghai was unable to walk for four days. He is still in a fairly serious state of trauma.

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The incident reportedly started as Blasius Sumaghai was seated outside a kiosk on Jalan Duyumu in Bade Village. Suddenly two Navy officers who were stationed at the Bade Navy outpost showed up. They showed no initial courtesy, just directly started striking the victim on his back and chest using the butts of their rifles

After the beating, our source said that the victim was brought to the
Navy outpost on a motorbike. On arrival at the outpost, he was beaten
over his whole body using rifle butts and hosepipes.  He suffered serious injuries.

It is reported that Blasius Sumaghai is not the only person to have suffered violent harrassment at the hands of the Navy.  Yustinus Akabagaimu, the 27-year-old son of local teacher Xaverius  Akabagaimu, has also been beaten up without any clear reason.

Yustinus is currently unable to walk as a result of the beating he
received. Several victims of harassment are unable to bring a case
against the perpetrators either because of fear or because they don’t
know to whom they should bring their complaint.

Majalah Selangkah‘s credible informant has said that that members of the security forces have often carried out beatings of young men in Bade when residents have reported that the men have done something wrong.

“But that’s what the police are for. What is Bade Police station doing?
The police are clearly tasked with maintaining law and order. The Navy’s role is to fight wars against other countries. Why should the navy take over the Police’s job right in front of their face? It’s very strange”, said the aforementioned source, sounding surprised.

The police in the Bade Police Station reportedly cannot be counted upon to maintain law and order in the area. As the community were celebrating Christmas 2009, the festive season which should be full of happiness was tainted by the murder of a young local man, Stefanus Silooy (38). He was killed by three police officers. This incident ended up with the community destroying the local police station.

In fact, a naval outpost in Bade is not strategic for national defence, because Bade is located on the shore of the Digoel River, and not on the coast. The town should really be guarded by a water-borne police unit.

So why is the Indonesian Navy present in Bade? Actually they are there to demand tribute from plywood and palm oil companies:  the Korindo group in Asiki which has been operating since the nineties and PT MAM* which has recently commenced operations near Bade.

Bade is a strategic port town, because all the plywood and Crude Palm Oil produced by PT Korindo in Asiki can only be transported by one route, the Digoel River. Bade represents the entrance and exit to this river system.

Source: Majalah Selangkah

[awasMIFEE / WPM note: a source (also in contact with WPM directly)  in Mappi has interviewed the victim and passed on these photos of his injuries, and also a letter from Blasius Sumaghai and his family addresses to the Governor of Papua Province, reproduced below in English. WPM has translated it despite the content being very similar to the Majalah Selangkah article above, and it is worth highlighting that the family request action be taken against the perpetrator and to close down the Navy Outpost.

*The article mentions a company named PT MAM, but this is slightly erroneous. MAM is the name of the location where another Korindo subsidiary PT Dongin Prabhawa has an oil palm plantation. Bade is on the Mappi side of the Digoel river, but lies close to the border with Merauke Regency - PT Dongin Prabhawa's plantation is also just a few kilometres away.]

Open Letter: And so the Inhumane Cruelty of Indonesian Armed Forces Against Papuans Continues…..

By SOURCE in Bade, Mappi Regency in West Papua

15 February 2014

It seems the bitterly cruel treatment of the Papuan indigenous community by the Indonesian armed forces will never come to an end. This time their cruelty has been unleashed on a young 23 year old man by the name of Blasius Sumaghai from Bade in the regency of Mappi in the far southern region of Papua. The incident involved use of brutal unrestrained violence against Blasius by two members of the Indonesian Marine Corps on 26 January 2014. Blasius is the son of a well known figure from the Awyu Tribe called Abraham Sumagahai and had done no wrong whatsoever that could have given reason for the ruthless attack by the marines. The attack on Blasius left him severely traumatized and unable to even walk for four days following the incident.

The incident occurred when Blasius was sitting in front of a kiosk (at Duyumu Road in Bade) at around 1945 hours on 26 January. Two members of the Marine Corps working at the Bade Post approached him without clear reason and started viciously beating him, striking him across his back and chest with their rifle butts. They then forced him into their vehicle and took him to their military post. They continued to strike him over his entire body with their rifle butts and a hose, leaving wounds over his entire body.

Blasius is by no means the first victim of such cruel tyranny by the Indonesian Marines in Bade. There have been numerous young people from the Bade Papuan indigenous community who had suffered seriously at the hands of the Marines in Bade but whose names cannot be mentioned due to their fears of retaliation. Many have no idea to whom they could possibly safely report things that have happened. To name just one, another 27 year old man Yustinus Akabagaimu (son of the local school teacher Xaverius Akabagaimu) was beaten so mercilessly by the Indonesian Marines in 2013that he is no longer able to walk to this date.

A trustworthy source stated that the brutal treatment of local Papuan youth by the Marines usually occurs due to a citizen having made a report to the Military Post that a certain youth has done something wrong, following which the Marines immediately find and arrest the youth, beating them far beyond the limits of what is humanitarian.

To understand what’s really going on behind these regular incidents of unwarranted violence against citizens, once must question the very existence of a prime Indonesian Military post in Bade. It’s hardly needed for national defense reasons, as Bade is located on the edge of the Digul River. It’s not as if it’s a strategic location bordering with another nation or the like. So why should the second largest base for the Indonesian Marine Corps in the entire southern region of Papua be located on the edge of a river in Bade? The answer lies in the fact that the location enables the forces to demand ‘tribute’ from the nearby multinational plywood and oil-palm company Korindo (in Assiki) and also from a second company which has recently been opened at a location also close to Bade. In terms of Indonesian economics Bade is a key location for these companies as their products are shipped out only along the River Digul. There is not only an Indonesian Marine Corps Post at Bade but also a Police Post, a Regular Military Post (TNI), an Indonesian Army Shore Unit (TNI-AD).

The community leaders of the Papuan community of Bade in response to the frequent violence by the Marine Corps against the indigenous Papuan community, call on the Governor of Papua Lukas Enembe :

i) To immediately take stern disciplinary action against those members of the Marine Corps in Bade who have been unleashing brutal cruelty against the indigenous people of Bade.
ii) To close the Indonesian Marine Corps Post in Bade
iii) To carry out an investigation as to the reasons for the existence of the Marine Corps Post located at Bade on the banks of the Digul River.

Footnote :

Bade is located in the south of Papua in the district of Edera in the Mappi Regency which borders the region of Merauke.

MSG SNARED IN A SCENARIO OF DECEPTION

Opinion/Analysis

By Selpius Bobii

January 27, 2014

(apologies for delay in publication)

In the case of Papua, the State of Indonesia allows all means to be used  - with nothing too extreme – to ensure their continued hold on Papua within the Republic.  The ‘deceptive approach’ together with military might are Indonesia’s two preferred methods, but there’s no end to the list of other means also systematically applied.  Indonesia continuously deceives the people of Papua with it’s words and through wrapping its lies in a range of political packets such as Special Autonomy, the so-called accelerated development program UP4B, the accelerated division into new provinces/city areas/ regencies and so forth. Indonesia also intentionally deceives the international community at every level, whether individuals, NGO’s or foreign governments. We have just seen again a scenario of deception  being played out at high levels internationally by the State of Indonesia, this time aimed at the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG).

 In June 2013, Indonesia through its Minister for Coordinating Politics, Law and Security Djoko Suyanto, invited the MSG to send a delegation to Papua to see and hear for themselves what the reality of the situation was in Papua. That invitation was extended by Suyanto to the then Chairperson of the MSG, the Prime Minister of Fiji whilst in Suva.  It then transpired that the MSG member Foreign Ministers made a joint recommendation at the time of determination of the MSG Summit Agenda on 16 June 2013, that discussion regarding Papua’s application to become a member of the MSG (that application being in the name of the WPNCL, the West Papuan National Coalition for Liberation) be postponed. The matter was nevertheless discussed at the MSG Summit, with the outcome that a final decision on Papua’s application would await a visit by the MSG State Foreign Ministers to Indonesia.

In the MSG Summits results as recorded in the Communique at points 20 /21, it was noted that West Papua still had an opportunity to achieve self determination.  The Meeting also stated its serious concern regarding continuing human rights violations being committed by Indonesia against indigenous Papuans. A time-line was  provided at point 21 regarding Papua’s application for membership within the MSG, with a commitment for a decision on the matter being guaranteed no later than 6 months from the date of the Summit following receipt of a report from a visit to Indonesia by a MSG Foreign Minister delegation.

Indonesia was successful  in their efforts to have the determination regarding Papua’s application for MSG membership postponed at the Summit. Following which Indonesia then took advantage of the 6 months period and undertook a range of approaches to influence the outcome of the situation. Indonesia made certain invitations to each of the different MSG members individually which would open the way to be able to influence them and at the same time purposely worked to increase the level of bilateral work relations with each nation to also influence the outcome of Papua’s MSG application.

Although an invitation was made in June 2013 by the Indonesian Minister to the MSG Chairperson to send a visiting delegation to Indonesia, the follow up actions required by Indonesia to make that a reality didn’t occur within the 6 months time limit set by the MSG leadership. Shortly after that 6 months had expired the Government of Indonesia then in January 2014 provided the formal invitation required for a delegation to visit Indonesia including to Jakarta and the two areas in Indonesia inhabited by Melanesian peoples being Papua and Ambon.

Indonesia carefully planned a scenario to ensure the visiting MSG Foreign Ministers would only  be able to see and hear what Indonesia wanted them to.  The Vanuatu Prime Minister on reading the details of the proposed visit strongly voiced Vanuatu’s objection with fellow MSG members also wanting to respond to Indonesia’s invitation. Indonesia’s invitation was blatantly and totally designed to suit their own interests. As a result Vanuatu was unwilling to send its Foreign Minister with the group to Indonesia. The same response was taken by the Kanaky. Vanuatu and the Kanaky members therefore only sent persons to monitor the visit but not as delegation members. As a result there were only in fact 3 members of the group representing the MSG.

The MSG Foreign Minister Delegation arrived in Papua on 13 January 2014 at 5.20 a.m when the people of Papua were still asleep (with the correct time of arrival having been hidden from the community before their arrival). Such an hour of arrival for official State visitors is absolutely unheard of in Indonesia and is not in accordance with State Protocol.

The Delegation was met by the Head of Indonesian Police in Papua and the Head of the Jayapura Kabupaten (Regency). From that moment onwards the group was escorted under very tight control by the Indonesian Military, Police and National Intelligence. Throughout the entire visit to Papua the MSG Delegation was not allowed any access whatsoever to key Papuan figures and leaders of any of the components of the Papuan Struggle for liberation.   The Delegation was only permitted to meet with Indonesian Government Officials, at both the national and regional level and particular supporters of Indonesia.  Even the Papuan Legislative Assembly (DPRP) and the Papuan People’s Council (MRP)  - as official bodies under the Indonesian structures – were not invited to meet with the MSG Delegation. Indonesia instead invited a few hand-picked members of the MRP and DPRP to be involved, who had previously chosen to side with Indonesia (in terms of interests they represent). MRP and DPRP certainly voiced their objection at not being allowed to meet the MSG Delegation, but to no avail.
When the community realised that the Delegation had already arrived and a crowd gathered to show their concern in a peaceful demonstration, combined Indonesian Military and Police forces immediately forced the gathering to disperse. In so doing they arrested 46 indigenous Papuans for being part of a peaceful demonstration.  Following the Delegation flying out of Jayapura at 3.00pm,  the 46 persons were then released. That action was part of the Indonesia creating an impression for the international Delegation that all was just fine in Papua.  When the reality is that was is occurring inside Papua is a humanitarian emergency, intentionally hidden from the world. A situation that is horrifying indeed.

The MSG Delegation on arriving that same day at Ambon in the nearby Maluku Islands of Indonesia, were allowed to be welcomed in a way that was in accordance with the usual traditional welcome for State visitors of such stature. This was but another strategy by Indonesia to deceive the MSG representatives that those persons of Melanesian decent living in Indonesia were happy and well and that Indonesia had provided for their good welfare.

In the meeting between the representatives of the Provincial level of the Indonesian Government in Papua and the MSG delegation, the Papuan Governor Lukas Enembe encouraged the meeting to join his government in forgetting the past in Papua. He said that now was the era of reformation and that an opportunity had been given to develop Papua through the Special Autonomy arrangement (which was presently being changed to become Special Autonomy Plus) as the solution to development in Papua (source: Broadcast RRI Jayapura 14 January 2014).

The MSG Delegates were indeed deceived by the scenario which Indonesia created for their arrival.  The Delegates themselves were recorded as stating that Special Autonomy in Papua had brought about good results (source: Broadcast RRI Jayapura 14 January 2014). How could Special Autonomy possibly have had ‘good results’ when it provided absolutely no partiality in favour of indigenous Papuans?  Where it has resulted in no change to the reality that indigenous Papuans have no protection from the State let alone any empowerment under the program!  Special Autonomy in Papua has born fruit but for Indonesia, not for Papua. it has ‘successfully’ created discrimination, marginalisation and injustice towards indigenous Papuans, leading further towards them being made a minority in their ancestors land, creating violence in the land and humanitarian atrocities against indigenous Papuans.  With the end consequence of moving things towards the annihilation of the Papuan ethnic race.

In accordance with their visit itinerary, on 15 January 2014 the 3 MSG delegates met with the Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to sign a number of agreements to work together.  The MSG Delegation will now proceed to prepare a report of their visit for the MSG leadership which will then enable their decision regarding Papua’s application for membership. If the application is upheld West Papua immediately will have official and permanent membership status within the MSG Forum. If on the other hand however it is not upheld, then Papua will  receive Observer status only within the MSG.
The MSG Delegates in their visit to Indonesia met only with the Government of Indonesia at its different levels and a few members of the community who were known to be in support of Indonesia’s continued occupation of Papua.  The Delegation did not meet with a single key figure or leader from the Papuan community who represented the mass movement for Papuan independence.  Accordingly the report that will be provided by the three MSG Delegates to the MSG Leadership will be unavoidably biased. Applying human logic alone it can be easily predicted that MSG’s decision is going to favour Indonesia, unless there is some miracle of God to prevent that.

Indonesia’s engineering of a number of scenarios intended to deceive, are aimed firstly at ensuring the application of Papua to become a member of the MSG fails; secondly, at ensuring Indonesia’s colonial domination and hold on Papua continued to be defended; thirdly at ensuring that the terrible suffering of the indigenous people of Papua was prolonged to bring about an end to the ethnic Papuan race so that Indonesia can be rid of any possible resistance once and for all; and though it might not be obvious to some,  to destroy oneness and good working partnerships between the respective nations of the Melanesia region whilst instead strengthening Indonesia’s partnerships with each of those respective nations individually.

According to the very well respected long-term Papuan political prisoner of conscience Filep J.S Karma (who presently continues to be detained in the Abepura State Prison), “ The Republic of Indonesia is as a virus within the MSG. That virus is destroying the good partnerships that have existed until this time within the MSG Forum.” It is Karma’s hope that the MSG Forum would act as quickly as possible to expel this Indonesian virus. He predicted that if they failed to, then the virus would succeed to destroy the solidarity that has existed until now between the nations of the Melanesian region.

Selpius Bobii is the  General Chairperson of Front PEPERA, and is a Political Prisoner.  This article is  Written from Abepura Prison, Jayapura, Papua, Indonesia